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May 26, 2012 - No. 21
Canada's Secret Bank Bailout Revealed
• Canada's
Secret Bank Bailout Revealed
• Canada's Banking Oligopoly - K.C.
Adams
Canada's Secret Bank Bailout Revealed
During the recent global financial crisis, the
disinformation was spread by the Harper government and the financial
elite that management of Canada's banking system was such that it was a
safe haven for investment, somehow immune to the turmoil affecting the
rest of the world. It has now come to light that in fact a massive
amount of public funds was paid to bail out Canadian banks. It exposes
the motives of governments in service of the monopolies, which claim
the need for so-called austerity measures, imposed as a pretext to
attack public services and social programs, the living and working
conditions of workers who provide them and the well-being of the entire
society.
The Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives (CCPA)
estimates the
previously secret extent of public funds given to Canada's banks during
the
economic crises of 2008-10 reached $114 billion.
"At some point during the crisis, three of Canada's
banks -- CIBC, BMO,
and Scotiabank -- were completely under water, with government support
exceeding the market value of the company," says CCPA. "Between October
2008 and July 2010, Canada's largest banks relied heavily on financial
aid
programs provided by the Bank of Canada, the Canada Mortgage and
Housing
Corporation (CMHC), and the U.S. Federal Reserve -- all at the same
time.
"Over the entire aid period, Canada's banks reported $27
billion in total
profits between them and the CEOs of each of the big banks were among
the
highest paid Canadian CEOs. Between 2008 and 2009, each bank CEO
received an average raise in total compensation of 19%," CCPA writes in
an
April 30, 2012 press release introducing the study, The Big Banks'
Big
Secret -- Estimating government support for Canadian banks during the
financial crisis by David Macdonald.[1]
The CCPA study "[e]stimates the value of government
support by combing
through data provided by CMHC, the Office of the Superintendent of
Financial
Institutions and the Bank of Canada, as well as quarterly reports of
the banks
themselves."
CCPA writes, "Throughout the 2008-2010 financial crisis,
Canadian banks
were touted by the federal government and the banks themselves as being
much more stable than other countries' big banks. Canadians were
assured that
our banks needed no bailout. However, in reality, Canada's banks
received
billions in cash and loan support during the 2008-2010 financial
crisis -- and the
Canadian government has remained resolutely secretive about the
details."
Note
1. The full report is available
for download at the CCPA website.

Canada's Banking Oligopoly
- K.C. Adams -
The big banks in Canada are a state-organized oligopoly.
Together they
dominate the banking sector as politicized private enterprises. They
represent
a corrupt use of public governmental power serving private interests or
what
has become known officially as public-private-partnerships (P3s).
The pooling of Canadians'
savings within the big banks' coffers and
the subsequent lending of this money to business and individuals has
allowed
banks to gain influence over all sectors of the socialized economy
including
where and when investments are made. The scale of the funds they
control is massive. Their exclusive private access to government
treasury bills and bonds, the
scrutiny of the business and personal accounts of those to whom they
lend
money, and the banks' interlocking investments, holdings and influence
in
virtually every cell of the Canadian economy and globally have meant
banking
capital has merged with industrial and commercial capital into a
homogeneous
entity called finance capital exercising dictatorship over the economy
and
working class.
The extent of the power of the big banks and their
survival in the face of
global competition and successive economic crises has been achieved
because
they are state-organized private enterprises with links to the ruling
oligarchy
in all regions and sectors of the economy and internationally
especially in the
U.S. The ruling financial oligarchy representing all business sectors
exercises
dictatorial control over the socialized economy, government and working
class.
The Canadian state has given the banks privileged
banking charters that
allow them to act as an oligopoly without significant internal or
external
challenge. The exclusive government charters have allowed the main
private
owners of banking enterprises to maintain and grow their private
empires of
wealth and class privilege to the extent that they have become
entangled with
the U.S. financial oligarchy making them champions of a Canada annexed
into
the U.S. Empire of global monopolies. Their loans, assets and
interlocking
investments throughout the economy and abroad mean the main banking
owners, directors and executives are intimately linked with the entire
ruling
financial oligarchy in business and government, especially within
Canada and
the U.S. Through their social, business and political connections they
engage
in risky adventures for big scores without worry of complete collapse
knowing
that the full resources of the state can be marshalled to save their
private
enterprises even from their most corrupt, risky and dangerous practices.
Such was the case in the economic crises that began in
earnest in 2008 and
continue to this day throughout the imperialist system of states. One
crisis falls
into another as evidenced with the collapse of the Greek and Spanish
economies and the recent disclosure of a "sudden" $2 billion loss at
the U.S.
financial enterprise JPMorgan Chase, which is eerily similar to the
"sudden"
losses announced at Lehman Brothers in September 2008.
Funneling Public Funds to the Big Banks
The Canadian
Centre for Policy Alternatives (CCPA) estimates that the five biggest
members
of the Canadian banking oligopoly RBC, TD Bank, BMO, CIBC and
Scotiabank collectively received at least $114 billion from Canadian
and U.S.
state institutions to save them from collapse in the wake of the losses
from the
economic crises. Corrupt schemes for big scores centred on the U.S.
housing
market were a feature of the 2008 crisis and the five Canadian banks
were
eager participants. To see them through the economic storm, the banking
oligopoly received Canadian and U.S. public funds from the Bank of
Canada,
the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation (CMHC), the U.S. Federal
Reserve and the U.S. Treasury Department's Troubled Asset Relief
Program (TARP).
CCPA writes in its study on the bank bailouts, "CMHC's
Insured Mortgage
Purchase Program did the heaviest lifting. In contrast to the loans of
the first
two programs [Bank of Canada and U.S. Federal Reserve], CMHC was
providing direct cash infusions to Canada's banks.... The program
provided its
first cash to the banks in October 2008. Within four months' time,
Canada's
big banks requested and received a whopping $50 billion in cash in
exchange
for mortgage-backed securities. By March 2009, government supports to
Canada's banks peaked at $114 billion. At this point, support for
Canadian
banks was equivalent to 7% of Canada's 2009 GDP."
Alluding to another feature of the politicized nature of
the private banking
oligopoly CCPA writes, "In the U.S., the underlying mortgages were
considered 'troubled.' However, in Canada, all of the underlying
mortgages were
insured by CMHC so whether they were 'troubled' or not, the banks were
never on the hook."
The insuring of mortgages through the public CMHC is
another feature of
the politicized privileged status of chartered banks. In Canada not
only
mortgages are insured by a public institution, bank deposits are
insured
through the public Canada Deposit Insurance Corporation, which insures
deposits up to $100,000.
The ballyhooed conception that the big five banks are
"too big to fail"
together with the government insurance of deposits create an element of
public
or governmental security in the minds of Canadians. They tend to see
the
banking oligopoly, other private oligopolies such as in the auto or
energy
sectors as quasi-public institutions that must be protected or saved at
all costs
or Canada's collective security will be lost, and the economy will
collapse. No
alternative, such as truly public enterprises serving the public
interest under the
control of the people, is allowed to form in the minds of Canadians
much less
as something to be developed through practical politics. The constant
praising
of Canada's big banks by politicians, economists and
monopoly-controlled
media reinforces the conception that the banking oligopoly belongs to
all of
us and it somehow serves our collective interests even though the banks
are
private entities serving their private interests and using public
institutions and
funds to further their narrow aims completely outside the control of
the people
and in contradiction with nation-building and the public interest.
The CCPA also remarks of a further feature of the
state-organized nature
of Canada's banking oligopoly writing, "Participants in the Bank of
Canada's
bank [bailout] programs had to be either Primary Dealers of Government
of
Canada bonds/treasury bills or be part of the Large Value Transfer
System
(LVTS)."
Both these programs are private clubs of the largest
financial institutions
operating in Canada. A primary dealer is a financial enterprise that
has the
legal right to buy Bank of Canada treasury bills or bonds and resell
them to
others. Participants in the LVTS send large electronic money transfers
throughout Canada and the world using the facilities of the Bank of
Canada.
(See endnote for list of Primary Dealers and participants in the LVTS.)
The five biggest members of the banking oligopoly are
operationally
headquartered in Toronto. They employ around 300,000 workers (full-time
equivalent positions) throughout Canada and abroad. They jointly
control $1.88
trillion worth of deposits in Canada (2011). Unlike most countries
within the
imperialist system of states, the government does not enforce any
reserve
requirement on Canadian banks. They can lend out as much money as they
want, which in theory could exceed the amount they hold in deposits as
they
have access to other borrowing and Bank of Canada treasury bills and
bonds.
Bank of Canada reports Chartered Banks held outstanding loans worth
$1.541
trillion as of March 2012. This does not include several categories of
loans
securitized by the banks.
Corruption Within the Ruling Oligarchy
Lehman Brothers, an
investment bank in the U.S., prior to its 2008 collapse was reported to
have
loaned out 44 times the amount it held as cash. (The big five Canadian
banks
are both full service and investment banks.) Corruption within the
ruling
oligarchy is broadly hinted at in an interview with Anton Valukas on
the U.S. public affairs TV show 60
Minutes. Mr. Valukas was the Chief Examiner
and author of the official government investigation into the Lehman
collapse
called "Lehman Brothers Holdings Inc. Chapter 11 Proceedings Examiner
Report."
The 60 Minutes' introduction said, "The Valukas team
spent a year and a
half interviewing hundreds of former employees, and poring over 34
million
documents. They told of how Lehman bought up huge amounts of real
estate
that it couldn't unload when the market went south -- how it had
borrowed
$44 for every one it had in the bank to finance the deals -- and how
Lehman
executives manipulated balance sheets and financial reports when
investors
began losing confidence and competitors closed in."
Without going into detail, the following exchange
excerpted from cbsnews.com gives some indication
of the corruption:
"Anton
Valukas: They'd fudged the numbers. They would move what
turned out to be approximately $50 billion of assets from the United
States to
the United Kingdom just before they printed their financial statements.
And a
week or so after the financial statements had been distributed to the
public, the
$50 billion would reappear here in the United States, back on the books
in the
United States.
"Steve
Kroft
(60
Minutes): And then the next financial statement, they
would move it
overseas again, and file the report, and then move it back?
"Anton
Valukas: Right.
"Steve
Kroft:
It sounds like a shell game.
"Anton
Valukas: It was a shell game. It was a gimmick."
The interview continues involving Valukas as well as
Mathew Lee, a
Lehman accountant fired for not signing off on an end of fiscal year
report
that he believes was fraudulent. The accounting firm Ernst & Young
was the
lead partner on the Lehman audit. Its position was similar to that held
by the
accounting firm Arthur Andersen, which was involved in the fraud at
U.S.
energy trader Enron Corporation.
Canadian workers are well aware of Ernst & Young as
it has long been at
the centre of corporate bankruptcies in Canada and other anti-worker
anti-national scandals such as the 2004-06 CCAA Stelco bankruptcy
fraud,
which occurred while the company was making record profits.
"Matthew
Lee: November 30th, 2007 was the end of our
fiscal year. And
I fully expected us, you know, to make a loss that year like everyone
else.
And when I saw we made money -- it was a record year, in fact -- I
thought, 'That doesn't sound right.' You knew the markets were doing
badly, so why
wasn't Lehman doing badly? And every time I found something and I went
to my boss or whoever, no response.
"60
Minutes: "That was 10 months before Lehman Brothers
went bankrupt.
Lee's position required him to sign off on the accuracy of the firm's
accounting practices every quarter. But in November of 2007 he declined
to
do it.
"Steve
Kroft: By refusing to sign it, you were saying that you didn't
believe the numbers.
"Matthew
Lee: Correct.
"Steve
Kroft: That this wasn't a fair and accurate representation of
the
financial condition of Lehman Brothers.
"Matthew
Lee: Right. 'Something's up here. Why can't people answer my
questions?' You know, 'Why has Repo 105 doubled? Give me an answer.'
You know, nothing was said.
[Repo 105 is an accounting manoeuvre where a
short-term loan is classified as a sale. The cash obtained through this
"sale" is
then used to pay down debt, allowing the company to appear to reduce
its
leverage by temporarily paying down liabilities -- just long enough to
reflect
on the company's published balance sheet. After the company's financial
reports are published, the company borrows cash and repurchases its
original
assets.... Repo 105 was used by investment bank Lehman Brothers three
times
according to a March 2010 report by the bankruptcy court examiner. The
report stated that Lehman's auditors, Ernst & Young, were aware of
this
questionable classification.... In response to the report New York
attorney
general Andrew Cuomo filed charges against Ernst & Young in
December
2010, alleging that the firm "substantially assisted a massive
accounting fraud"
by approving the accounting treatment. The Wall Street Journal drew
attention
to the increasing levels of fees that Ernst & Young had been paid
by Lehmans
from 2001 to 2008. (Note from Wikipedia)]
"60
Minutes: Lee continued to press people for more information, but
nothing changed. And four months before Lehman collapsed, he sent this
letter
to Lehman's top executives.
"Matthew
Lee: 'I've been telling you all year. I've been banging my head
against the wall. I'm now putting it in writing.'
"Steve
Kroft: [The letter] says, 'It requires me to bring to the
attention of
management conduct and actions on the part of the firm that I consider
to be
possibly unethical and unlawful.'
"Matthew
Lee: Yeah.
"Steve
Kroft: What were you talking about specifically?
"Matthew
Lee: Well, in that particular letter, I was general. There were
so
many specifics. I could have written laundry lists.
"Steve
Kroft: What kind of a response did you get from this letter?
"Matthew
Lee: It's like throwing a grenade. I wanted to wake somebody
up, at least to address the topics.
"60
Minutes: It worked. Six days after he sent that letter, Matthew
Lee
was downsized, let go after 14 years. But Lehman executives couldn't
ignore
the letter and asked their accountants from Ernst & Young to
interview
Matthew Lee.
"Anton
Valukas: And in those interviews, we have the notes -- which are
part of the report -- he says very specifically $50 billion, Repo
transactions,
moving money off the balance sheet at quarter end. So our conclusion
was
Ernst & Young certainly knew it as of that time, and did nothing
with it.
"60
Minutes: Valukas says Ernst & Young was legally bound to
make sure
that Lehman's audit committee and its board of directors knew about
Lee's
allegations of unethical and unlawful accounting practices. But they
never did."
60 Minutes jumps to the unwarranted conclusion, "But
they never did."
Such an assumption suggests Lehman's Board of Directors did not know of
the
corrupt practices leading to the collapse. This is hardly believable
given every
large financial enterprise active in the U.S., including Canada's big
banks were
engaged in similar practices and faced similar losses when their
schemes fell
apart and the inevitable crisis broke out. Besides, during the years
prior to the
economic crisis while Ernst & Young was their accounting firm,
Lehman
along with most other financial enterprises were declaring record
profits, their
stock market prices were soaring and executive managers and directors
were
receiving record payouts. That precisely is the aim of monopoly
capitalism so
why would directors, auditors or any other person in authority do
anything to
rock the boat. They are American pragmatists after all -- the end of
making the
most money in the fastest possible time justifies the means. The end
not only
justifies the means but clouds judgment in the present. When things are
going
well, which mainly means money is pouring in then nothing or no one is
allowed to disturb the party. When the inevitable crisis erupts then
fingers are
pointed and certain people are accused of this and that but the
fundamental
direction, aim and principles of the economy are not questioned.
No comparable investigation or interview has been
conducted in Canada
where politicians, experts and the monopoly media continue to speak of
the
big banks in hushed reverent tones. The government has kept the details
of its
role in the estimated $114 billion bailout completely secret even
though public
funds were directly involved. However, Harper could not keep secret the
U.S.
government portion of the bailout given to Canada's banks.
At the height of the bailouts on February 23, 2009 Prime
Minister Stephen
Harper said in an interview on the CNBC Kudlow Report, "It is true, we
have
the only banks in the western world that are not looking at bailouts or
anything
like that and we haven't got any TARP money."
Harper's assertion is disputed by the facts that have
subsequently become
known.
CCPA writes, "Despite the U.S. Federal Reserve
preference to keep its
loan details secret, it has been far more transparent than the Canadian
government -- in large part due to enterprising journalists and a
two-year legal
battle to make the details public. U.S. Federal Reserve bailout
details, broken
down by bank, are available online. (All lending, including to Canadian
banks
is available at http://bit.ly/Bloomberg-Fed-Data.)
"At their peak, Canadian banks borrowed $33 billion from
the U.S. Federal Reserve in December 2008.... All five of Canada's big
banks dipped into
the U.S. Fed programs between September 2008 and April 2010 -- some
more
than others."
It would be unthinkable that Harper did not know the
details of the U.S.
public bailout of the big five Canadian banks. Both governments made a
huge
fuss of how they were working together to deal with the economic crisis
especially on the banking, auto and real estate fronts.
CCPA continues, "The official story of the 2008
financial crisis goes like
this: American and international banks got caught placing bad bets on
U.S.
mortgages and had to be bailed out. But not in Canada. Through the
financial
crisis, Canadian banks were touted by the federal government and the
banks
themselves as being much more stable than other countries' big banks.
Canadian banks, we were assured, needed no such bailout.
"However, in contrast to the official story Canada's
banks received $114
billion in cash and loan support between September 2008 and August
2010.
They were double-dipping in not only two but three separate support
programs, one of them American. They continued receiving this support
for
a
protracted period while at the same time reaping considerable profits
and
providing raises to their CEOs, who were already among Canada's highest
paid. In fact, several banks drew government support whose value
exceeded
the bank's actual value. Canadian banks were in hot water during the
crisis and
the Canadian government has remained resolutely secretive about the
details."
In November 2008, Jim Flaherty, Minister of Finance is
quoted in the Financial Times
concerning the U.S. bailouts and the denial of the Canadian
government that it was providing public funds to Canadian banks,
"Without
wanting to appear arrogant or vain while our system is not perfect, it
has
worked during this difficult time, I don't want the government to be in
the
banking business in Canada."
Flaherty is disinforming the people. He knows very well
that
government is intimately "in the banking business." However, government
is
"in the banking business" not to serve public interests but the private
interests
of the banking oligopoly and ruling class generally, to maintain and
expand
their private empires, their public-private-partnerships.
The banking oligopoly is a politicized private entity
using public funds and
the power of the state to serve private interests in opposition to the
public
interests. The banking oligopoly is in effect another of the ubiquitous
corrupt
public-private-partnerships. Politicized private banking is a source of
corruption serving greed and class privilege. An important feature of
corruption is the control and use of public wealth and state power for
private
interests.
Politicize Public Banking!
The Workers' Opposition
must hold governments to account to
politicize public banking and remove private interest from what is
essentially
a crucial public function of securing and utilizing the savings of
Canadians in
the public interest. The savings of Canadians, especially those of the
working
class, should be available to the economy for guaranteed investments in
social
programs, public services, infrastructure, manufacturing, individual
needs and
other works that public institutions deem necessary.
The big banks regularly report enterprise profit and
reward their executive
managers and directors with enormous payments and privileges. The
source of
those private claims is a mix of onerous user fees, compound interest
on loans
to business and individuals, stock and commodities' trading and schemes
for
big scores around the world that are usually kept secret from Canadians
such
as the infamous U.S. subprime mortgages and related asset-backed
commercial
paper (bonds) that collapsed in 2008.
Compound interest itself is a medieval relic that should
be thrown in the
dust bin of history along with serfdom and slavery. Also obsolete and
damaging to the people and economy are the exorbitant user fees for
financial
services including private banking, credit card, investment and
insurance fees.
They are all corrupt practices of the financial oligarchy that drain
wealth from
the economy and block development. Such outmoded practices should not
be
part of a modern socialized economy. They all reflect the parasitism
and decay
of the banking oligopoly and ruling oligarchs.
The biggest block to bringing the financial services
industry into the
twenty-first century is the power of the capitalist state, the
public/private
empires of wealth and class privilege and the lack of control of the
people.
The big private banks that comprise the banking oligopoly are
politicized
private institutions serving their particular private owners and
finance capital
in general. Their control of investment funds is anti-social and
against the
public interest. The private savings of Canadians once pooled become
public
in their nature. The current banking system is rooted in the corrupt
practice of
state-organized private control of the pooled public savings of most
Canadians
in their bank accounts and mutual and pension funds. Through the
state-organized private control of the pooled public assets of
Canadians,
member private enterprises of the banking oligopoly, besides claiming
huge
amounts for their private use, exercise enormous power and control over
where
those public assets are invested and over the entire financial services
industry.
State-organized private banking perpetuates class privilege and the
rule of the
financial oligarchy over Canadians and their economic, political and
social
affairs. It stands in the way of building a diverse self-reliant
prosperous
economy in all regions of the country.
The issue of who controls investment and for what
purpose is central to
modern nation-building. State-organized private investment of public
assets is
a source of corruption perpetuating class privilege. It is a leading
factor
causing economic crises, as it takes more out of the economy than it
puts in.
The working class must take the lead in proposing and fighting to
implement
an agenda to replace the banking oligopoly with a modern system of
public
financial enterprises with mechanisms whereby the working class can
exercise
control over their pooled savings and where it is invested. The working
class
as the leading and most numerous class has the social responsibility to
transform the entire financial services industry into a truly public
service sector
that does not drain wealth from the economy to private interests but
assists the
economy to grow and prosper and serve the public interest.
The banking system and its offshoots in insurance and
other financial
services should be seen as a public service to aid in the development
of the
country and not a means to gouge the people and their economy and drain
it
of its strength. In general, the people should come to see the use of
public
assets for private profit as profoundly corrupt and criminal. Public
financial
enterprises would pool the private savings of Canadians and make them
available as public loans, without compound interest, for the building
of
infrastructure, public services, social programs, manufacturing,
commercial
development and individual use charging only the cost of managing and
providing the service. The same should be true for all government
securities
making it a serious crime for private interests to intervene and use
federal,
Quebec or provincial treasury bills or bonds or any public asset for
private
gain. This includes the abolition of any notion or practice of a public
debt to
private interests at any level of government.
The working class has to take the lead on every front in
society. Workers
must hold governments to account for the safekeeping and use of their
savings,
to ensure that their savings and all public assets are secure and
assist in the
development of the nation and are not siphoned off to enrich a small
minority
of private interests in opposition to the public good. Workers should
seize the
moment and discuss a new direction for the economy with the human
factor/social consciousness at the centre and not capital and its
anti-conscious
greed and corruption.
Endnote
Primary Dealers
Treasury Bills:
- Bank of Montreal
- Canadian Imperial Bank of Commerce
- Deutsche Bank Securities Limited
- HSBC Bank Canada
- Laurentian Bank Securities Inc.
- Merrill Lynch Canada Inc.
- National Bank Financial Inc.
- RBC Dominion Securities Inc.
- Scotia Capital Inc.
- The Toronto-Dominion Bank
Note: The
primary dealers' aggregate competitive bidding
limit is 250 per
cent of auction amount per tranche.
Bonds:
- BMO Nesbitt Burns Inc.
- Casgrain & Company Limited
- CIBC World Markets Inc.
- Desjardins Securities Inc.
- Deutsche Bank Securities Limited (Germany)
- HSBC Securities (Canada) Inc.
- Merrill Lynch Canada Inc. (U.S.)
- Laurentian Bank Securities Inc.
- National Bank Financial Inc.
- RBC Dominion Securities Inc.
- Scotia Capital Inc.
- The Toronto-Dominion Bank
Note: The
primary dealers' aggregate competitive bidding
limit is 285 per
cent of auction amount.
Large Value Transfer
System Participants
On 4 February 1999, the CPA launched the Large Value
Transfer System
(LVTS), an electronic system for the transfer of payments. LVTS
participants are members of the Canadian Payments Association (CPA)
which
participates in the LVTS and maintains a settlement account at the Bank
of
Canada. In July 2011, there were 15 LVTS participants in addition to
the Bank
of Canada:
- Alberta Treasury Branches
- Bank of America, National Association (U.S.)
- Bank of Montreal
- The Bank of Nova Scotia
- BNP Paribas (Canada) (France)
- La Caisse centrale Desjardins du Québec
- Canadian Imperial Bank of Commerce
- Central 1 Credit Union
- HSBC Bank Canada (UK)
- ING Bank of Canada (Netherlands)
- Laurentian Bank of Canada
- National Bank of Canada
- Royal Bank of Canada
- State Street Bank and Trust Company (U.S.)
- The Toronto-Dominion Bank

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