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March 4, 2011 - No. 32

Charges of Election Spending Violations

Conservatives Refuse to Be Accountable Under Canada's Electoral Laws

Halifax Picket
Hands Off Libya! No Harbour for War!
Oppose Canada's Intervention in Libya Under the Pretext of Humanitarian Aid!


Friday, March 4 -- 4:30-5:30 pm
Maritime Centre (foot of Spring Garden at Barrington)

Oppose the Use of Force to Resolve Conflicts Within and Between Nations!
Oppose Canadian, U.S. and NATO intervention under the hoax/pretext of humanitarian intervention.
No to a "Humanitarian" Imperialist Occupation of Libya!
No to Foreign Interference in Libya! Hands Off Libya!

Charges of Election Spending Violations
Conservatives Refuse to Be Accountable Under Canada's Electoral Laws - Anna Di Carlo

Legislation to Freeze Assets of Corrupt Regimes
More Hypocrisy in the Name of Supporting "Democratic Reforms and Accountability"

Libya
NATO's Inevitable War (Part One) - Fidel Castro
As U.S. Warships Near Libya, Danger of Imperialist Military Intervention Grows - Sara Flounders, International Action Center
When Historical Memory Is Erased -- In the Square the Flags of King Idris Wave - Manlio Dinucci, Il Manifesto


Charges of Election Spending Violations

Conservatives Refuse to Be Accountable
Under Canada's Electoral Laws

The day after the Conservative Party was charged with violating the Canada Election Act in the 2006 Federal Election, Prime Minister Harper carried on with his glib refusal to admit the seriousness of the charges levelled against the Conservative Party and 67 candidates, including Foreign Affairs Minister Lawrence Cannon. Pretending the charges are frivolous, he told reporters: "We've been repeatedly in court about this. The courts, to this point, have ruled in our favour. All of these individuals acted according to the rules that were in place at the time."

This can only be intended to mislead because in fact, no court has yet heard the charges against the Conservatives. These charges allege that the Party and some of its officials deliberately violated the election spending limits in the 2006 election and submitted false and/or misleading election expense returns to Elections Canada. The first court hearing will be on March 18 in Ottawa. (See TML Daily, March 2, 2011 - No. 30.)

Harper's attempt to disinform the public is typical demagogy of those who have no interest in the truth. When he says "the courts...have ruled in our favour," he should clearly specify that he is talking about a case before the Federal Court of Canada initiated by the Conservatives in May 2007 against the Chief Electoral Officer of Canada. The Conservatives challenged the authority of the Chief Electoral Officer of Canada (CEOC) to refuse to authorize the reimbursement of elections expenses to candidates in a situation where the CEOC is not satisfied that the expenses were actually incurred by the candidates. In particular, the Conservatives wanted the Federal Court to order the CEOC to issue the election expense reimbursements that he had withheld from the Conservatives.

But even the rulings of this court do Harper no good because, barely hours after he boasted that "to this point, the courts have ruled in our favour," the Federal Court of Appeal ruled in favour of the CEOC. Neither ruling has any bearing on how the Ontario Courts will rule on the alleged violation of the Canada Elections Act by the Conservatives but this has not stopped the Conservatives from carrying on with their attempts to fool Canadians. Speaking like a true Enron executive or a Bernie Madoff or Brian Mulroney after being caught with their hands in the cookie jar, Conservative Party spokesman Fred DeLorey responded to the ruling by saying that the case concerns only minor disagreements over accounting methods.

"This is an administrative dispute with Elections Canada that has been going on for five years in regards to whether certain expenses should be counted as local or national," he said. "We have a difference of opinion on this and we maintain that our people acted under the law, as they understood it at that time," he said. Once "it was clear that Elections Canada had changed its interpretation of the law, the Conservative Party adjusted its practices for the 2008 election campaign," he added.

The response of the Conservatives to the charges they face shows how self-serving they are and that they knowingly stoop to corrupt practices to take over power and stay in power. Their attempts to belittle the electoral law and the bodies entrusted with its implementation show how devoid of high ideals the so-called democratic institutions have become and how hollow is the claim that elections are the proof of the superiority of these institutions because they provide these institutions with "legitimacy." To claim to stand for "law and order" and then refuse to submit to laws they themselves enact, and to refuse to recognize the authority of the referees the system itself has put in place to hold public officials accountable is hooliganism plain and simple.

The Conservatives have announced that they will challenge the Federal Court of Appeal ruling at the Supreme Court of Canada. We only hope that while they waste the funds the public treasury must use to prosecute them, they are using Conservative Party funds to pay their own legal bills.

Latest Federal Court Ruling

In the first Federal Court ruling, on January 18, 2010, the judge was not convinced by the evidence presented to him about the circumstances surrounding his CEOC's decision, nor by his interpretation of the Canada Elections Act, that the CEO had the power to withhold the reimbursement. He ruled that the CEOC had erred. On February 28, 2011 a three-judge panel of the Federal Court of Appeal struck down the earlier ruling. They posed the questions to be determined as follows:

"Issue 1: Does the CEOC have the power to verify election expenses claimed by candidates?

Issue 2: Was there sufficient material before the CEOC on which he could reasonably decline to state that he was satisfied that the Respondents (the Conservatives) had incurred a portion of the cost of the RMB (regional media buy) advertisements which they claimed as election expenses?"

Their ruling states:

"Section 16 entrusts the CEOC with the exercise of powers and the performance of functions ‘necessary for the administration of the Act.' In our opinion, monitoring the accuracy of candidates' claims for reimbursement from public funds, and their compliance with the statutory limits on election expenses, are functions necessary for the administration of the Act, and thus within the CEOC's responsibilities.

We conclude that Parliament did not intend to circumscribe the CEOC's role by confining him to the largely clerical function of ensuring that candidates have submitted the documents specified in the Act and, when satisfied that they have, to providing a certificate to enable the Receiver General to reimburse the claimed election expenses. [...]

It would surely be surprising if Parliament intended to oblige the CEOC to provide a certificate entitling a candidate to obtain a reimbursement of election expenses from public funds when the CEOC was not satisfied that an expense claimed was statutorily permitted. To limit the CEOC's function in the manner urged by the Respondents (the Conservatives) is not congruent with the broad powers and responsibilities of the office set out in section 16."

Further, the judges state that acceptance of the Conservative's interpretation of the authority and powers of the CEOC "would weaken compliance with the limits set by Parliament on the amount of money that candidates may spend on their election and can recover by way of reimbursement from public funds. Abuses could well proliferate, and the statutory objective of promoting a healthy democracy through levelling the electoral playing field undermined."

In regards to the reasonableness of the CEOC's decision, the appeal judges had to decide "whether the CEOC committed a reviewable error when, on the basis of the documentary evidence before him, he refused to state that he was satisfied that the Respondents had incurred the costs of the RMB advertisements that they claimed as election expenses. We emphasize that it was for the CEOC, not the Court, to be satisfied on this matter."

The judges reviewed that portion of evidence which was available to the CEOC at the time he refused to issue the expense reimbursement, which is much less than the evidence now available after two years of investigation by the Commissioner of Elections. They concluded that the evidence "amply supports the reasonableness of the CEOC's refusal to state that he was satisfied that the cost of the RMB had been incurred by the candidates in accordance with the Act. Whether the evidence might have enabled the CEOC reasonably to conclude that the costs had been duly incurred by the candidates is irrelevant in this application for judicial review of the exercise of the power entrusted by Parliament to him." (Emphasis in the original).

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Legislation to Freeze Assets of Corrupt Regimes

More Hypocrisy in the Name of Supporting
"Democratic Reforms and Accountability"

On March 3, 2011, four days after announcing it was freezing the assets of Moammar Gadhafi  of Libya, the Harper government tabled the Freezing Assets of Corrupt Regimes Act in Parliament. The stated aim of the legislation is to freeze "assets that former repressive foreign leaders may hold in Canada."

This legislation will enable the government of Canada to seize the assets of deposed Tunisian President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, in response to a request from the current Tunisian government. It will be able to seize the assets without imposing sanctions on Tunisia as would presumably currently be required. According to the logic, Tunisia is in "democratic transition" and sanctions would not "help," as opposed to the case of Libya where we are told sanctions are warranted and the Harper government has already imposed sanctions and given the green light to the seizure of assets said to belong to Gadhafi..

Speaking to the announcement Foreign Affairs Minister Lawrence Cannon stated: "Today I tabled the Freezing Assets of Corrupt Regimes Act in Parliament to give the Government of Canada new and more robust tools in our fight against corruption and the misappropriation of state funds by repressive foreign leaders."

According to a government news release the legislation: "will allow Canada to act upon the request of a foreign state to freeze the assets that their former leaders and members of their entourage, including family members, senior officials and associates, may have placed in Canadian financial institutions. It will also give Canada the authority to seize any property such individuals may own in this country."

With this legislation the Harper government claims to be acting to promote democracy and accountability. "This new legislation will allow Canada to support democratic reforms and accountability by ensuring that any misappropriated property can be frozen immediately once a written request is received from a foreign state," the news release says.

In other words, Canada can now claim to "help" countries which the U.S. and Canada have a clear self-interest to take over while it is still able to impose sanctions to undermine a country as it sees fit. It is license to interfere in the internal affairs of sovereign countries in the name of high ideals. It has nothing to do with defending high ideals as the government pretends.

Backgrounder
The Freezing Assets of Corrupt Regimes Act

The freezing of assets of named individuals can currently be done in Canada pursuant to two different federal legal frameworks, namely (1) through the imposition of an economic sanctions regime under the United Nations Act or Canada's Special Economic Measures Act, or (2) pursuant to a request for mutual legal assistance in the context of the Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters Act (MLACMA) or under the Criminal Code.

Sanctions may not be an available or appropriate vehicle for the freezing of assets. For example, if the state in question is in the process of democratic transformation, sanctions could become an obstacle to the provision of development or democratization assistance.

Proceedings under the MLACMA require a foreign state to produce evidence of criminal activity or the existence of legal proceedings or a court order, in order for Canadian authorities to be able to act on assets situated in Canada. The new authorities of a foreign country in a state of turmoil or political uncertainty may find it difficult to provide such evidence on short notice, and the time required to do so could potentially allow the foreign national in question to conceal or deplete the assets.

The Freezing Assets of Corrupt Regimes Act would permit the Government of Canada to freeze the assets or restrain property of foreign politically exposed persons (former leaders, their family members, senior officials and close associates) upon receipt of a written request from a state, where the Governor-in-Council has determined that the country is in a state of turmoil or political uncertainty. It would permit such an order without requiring evidence of criminality or specific identification of assets. Assets would be frozen for a period of up to five years in the interests of international relations, such as to permit the foreign state to initiate the necessary proceedings to allow for seizure and forfeiture of assets situated in Canada. The time period is open to renewal.

The Freezing Assets of Corrupt Regimes Act also provides that the Minister of Foreign Affairs may recommend revoking or repealing an order if the person does not meet the standard of a "foreign politically exposed person"; may issue permits for dealings with certain property; and may issue certificates in cases of mistaken identity or provide exemptions for reasonable expenses.

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Libya

NATO's Inevitable War (Part One)

As opposed to the situation in Egypt and Tunisia, Libya occupies first place in the Human Development Index within Africa and has the highest life expectancy rate on the continent. Education and health receive special state attention. The cultural level of the population is without a doubt higher. Its problems are of another nature. The population is not in need of food or basic social services. The country requires many foreign workers to implement its ambitious production and social development plans.

Therefore it offers employment to hundreds of thousands of workers from Egypt, Tunisia, China and other nations. It has an enormous income and hard currency reserves deposited in the banks of rich countries, with which it acquires consumer goods and even sophisticated weapons, supplied by the very countries which now want to invade in the name of human rights.

The colossal campaign of lies unleashed by the mass media has created much confusion in world public opinion. Some time will pass before what really has happened in Libya is reconstructed, and real events are separated from the falsified ones which have been disseminated.

Serious and prestigious broadcasters such as Telesur have been obliged to send reporters and photographers to one group's activities and then to the opposite side's, in order to report what was really occurring.

Communications were blocked; honest diplomatic officials risked their lives touring neighborhoods, observing activities day and night to report what was transpiring. The empire and its principal allies employed the most sophisticated media to disseminate falsified information about the events, requiring one to infer traces of the truth.

No doubt, the faces of young people protesting in Benghazi, men and women, with veils and without, expressed real indignation.

The tribal component of this Arab country is noticeable, despite the Islamic faith sincerely shared by 95% of the population.

Imperialism and NATO -- seriously concerned about the revolutionary wave unleashed in the Arab world, which produces a large portion of the oil sustaining the consumer economies of the rich, developed countries -- could not miss the opportunity to take advantage of Libya's internal conflict to promote a military intervention. The statements formulated by the United States government from early on were clearly in this vein.

The circumstances could hardly be more propitious. The Republican right wing dealt President Obama, an expert in rhetoric, a severe blow during the November elections.

The fascist "mission accomplished" group, ideologically supported by the extremist Tea Party, has reduced the current president's options to a merely decorative role, with even his health program and the doubtful recuperation of the economy in danger, as a result of the budget deficit and the uncontrollable increase in the public debt, which has broken all historical records.

Despite the torrent of lies and the confusion created, the United States was unable to drag China or the Russian Federation into the UN Security Council's approval of military intervention in Libya, although it did achieve its current objectives within the Human Rights Council. As for a military intervention, the Secretary of State declared in words which did not leave the slightest doubt, "No option is off the table."

The fact is that Libya is involved in a civil war, as we had foreseen, and there is nothing the United Nations could have done to prevent it, except that its own Secretary General sprinkled a hefty dose of fuel on the fire.

The problem which these actors perhaps never imagined is that the very leaders of the rebellion have burst upon the complicated scene, declaring that they reject any foreign military intervention.

Various news agencies reported that Abdel Hafiz Ghoga, spokesperson for the Libyan National Council, stated on Monday [February] 28th that "The rest of Libya will be liberated by the Libyan people."

"We can count on the army to liberate Tripoli," Ghoga assured, announcing the formation of a "National Council" to represent the country's cities in the hands of the insurrection.

"What we want is intelligence information, but in no case that our air, land or sea sovereignty is affected," he added during a meeting with journalists in this city 1,000km east of Tripoli.

"The intransigence of opposition leaders over national sovereignty reflected opinions spontaneously expressed by many Libyan citizens to the international press in Benghazi," according to an AFP cable this past Monday.

That same day, Abeir Imneina, a professor of political sciences at the University of Benghazi, stated, "There is a very strong feeling of nationalism in Libya."

"Moreover, the Iraqi example scares everyone in the Arab world," she stressed, in reference to the 2003 U.S. invasion which was to have brought democracy to that country and then, by contagion, to the region as a whole, a hypothesis totally refuted by the facts.

The professor continues, "We know very well what happened in Iraq, which is in the throes of instability. Following in those footsteps is not appealing at all. We don't want the Americans to come and then to have to regret (the end of the rule of) Gadhafi ." But according to Abeir Imneina, "There is also the feeling that this is our revolution and that it is up to us to forge ahead."

Just a few hours after this cable was published, two of the major U.S. newspapers, the New York Times and the Washington Post, hastened to provide new versions on the subject, as reported by the DPA news agency the following day, March 1, "The Libyan opposition could ask the West to undertake air strikes on the strategic positions of forces loyal to Moammar al Gadhafi, the U.S. press states today."

The issue is being discussed within the Libyan National Council, according to online editions of the New York Times and the Washington Post.

The New York Times notes that these discussions reveal the growing frustration of the rebel leaders at the possibility of Gadhafi  retaking power.

"In the case of air strikes being executed within the framework of the United Nations, they would not imply international intervention," explained the Council spokesperson, quoted by the New York Times.

"The Council is composed of lawyers, academics, judges and prominent members of Libyan society."

The cable states:

"The Washington Post quoted rebels who recognize that, without Western support, battles with forces loyal to Gadhafi  could last a long time and cost a large number of human lives."

It is striking that the cable does not mention one single industrial, agricultural or construction worker, anyone linked to material production or the young students or combatants who can be seen in the demonstrations.

Why the effort to present the rebels as prominent members of society demanding U.S. and NATO air strikes to kill Libyans?

Some day the truth will be known, through people like the professor of political sciences at the University of Benghazi, who narrated with such eloquence the terrible experience which killed, destroyed homes and left millions of people in Iraq jobless or forced to emigrate.

Today, Wednesday, March 2, the EFE news agency presents the known rebel spokesperson making statements that, in my view, simultaneously affirm and contradict those of Monday: "Benghazi (Libya) March 2. The Libyan rebel leadership today asked the UN Security Council to launch an air strike 'on mercenaries' from the Moammar al-Gadhafi  regime."

"Our army cannot launch attacks on the mercenaries, given its defensive role," stated rebel spokesperson Abdel Hafiz Ghoga at a press conference in Benghazi.

"A strategic air strike is not the same as an international intervention, which we reject," emphasized the spokesperson for the opposition forces, which have consistently expressed opposition to any foreign military intervention in the Libyan conflict.

Which of the many imperialist wars would this one resemble?

That of Spain in 1936, that of Mussolini against Ethiopia in 1935, that of George W. Bush against Iraq in 2003 or any one of the dozens of wars promoted by the United States against the peoples of the Americas, from the invasion of Mexico in 1846 to that of the Malvinas in 1982?

Without excluding, of course, the mercenary invasion of Girón, the dirty war and the blockade of our homeland during 50 years, the anniversary of which is next April 16.

In all of those wars, such as that of Vietnam, which cost millions of lives, justifications and the most cynical measures reigned supreme.

For those harboring any doubt as to the inevitable military intervention which is to take place in Libya, the AP news agency, which I consider well informed, led with a cable published today affirming, "Some NATO countries are drawing up contingency plans modeled on the no-fly zones over the Balkans in the 1990s in case the international community decides to impose an air embargo over Libya, diplomats said."

It goes on to conclude, "The diplomats, who could not be named due to the sensitivity of the issue, said the options being looked into are modeled on the no-fly zone which the Western military alliance imposed over Bosnia in 1993 that had a UN mandate and NATO's aerial offensive against Yugoslavia [via Kosovo] in 1999, WHICH DID NOT HAVE IT."

I shall continue tomorrow.

Fidel Castro Ruz
March 2, 2011
8:19 p.m.

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As U.S. Warships Near Libya, Danger of
Imperialist Military Intervention Grows

The worst thing that could happen to the people of Libya is U.S. intervention.

The worst thing that could happen to the revolutionary upsurge shaking the Arab world is U.S. intervention in Libya.

The White House is meeting with its allies among the European imperialist NATO countries to discuss imposing a no-fly zone over Libya, jamming all communications of President Moammar Gadhafi inside Libya, and carving military corridors into Libya from Egypt and Tunisia, supposedly to "assist refugees." (New York Times, Feb. 27)

This means positioning U.S./NATO troops in Egypt and Tunisia close to Libya's two richest oil fields, in both the east and west. It means the Pentagon coordinating maneuvers with the Egyptian and Tunisian militaries. What could be more dangerous to the Egyptian and Tunisian revolutions?

Italy, once the colonizer of Libya, has suspended a 2008 treaty with Libya that includes a nonaggression clause, a move that could allow it to take part in future "peacekeeping" operations there and enable the use of its military bases in any possible intervention. Several U.S. and NATO bases in Italy, including the U.S. Sixth Fleet base near Naples, could be staging areas for action against Libya.

President Barack Obama has announced that "the full range of options" is under consideration. This is Washington-speak for military operations.

Secretary of State Hillary Clinton met in Geneva on Feb. 28 with foreign ministers at the UN Human Rights Council to discuss possible multilateral actions.

Meanwhile, adding to the drumbeat for military intervention is the release of a public letter from the Foreign Policy Initiative, a right-wing think tank seen as the successor to the Project for the New American Century, calling for the U.S. and NATO to "immediately" prepare military action to help bring down the Gadhafi regime.

The public appeal's signers include William Kristol, Richard Perle, Paul Wolfowitz, Elliott Abrams, Douglas Feith and more than a dozen former senior officials from the Bush administration, plus several prominent liberal Democrats, such as Neil Hicks of Human Rights First and Bill Clinton's "human rights" chief, John Shattuck.

The letter called for economic sanctions and military action: deploying NATO warplanes and a naval armada to enforce no-fly zones and have the capability to disable Libyan naval vessels.

Senators John McCain and Joseph Lieberman while in Tel Aviv on Feb. 25 called for Washington to supply Libyan rebels with arms and establish a no-fly zone over the country.

Not to be overlooked are calls for UN contingents of medical and humanitarian workers, human rights monitors and investigators from the International Criminal Court to be sent to Libya with an "armed escort."

Providing humanitarian aid doesn't have to include the military. Turkey has evacuated 7,000 of its nationals on ferries and chartered flights. Some 29,000 [35,000 -- TML Ed. Note] Chinese workers have left via ferries, chartered flights and ground transportation.

However, the way in which the European powers are evacuating their nationals from Libya during the crisis includes a military threat and is part of the imperialist jockeying for position regarding Libya's future.

Germany sent three warships, carrying 600 troops, and two military planes to bring 200 German employees of the oil exploration company Wintershall out of a desert camp 600 miles southeast of Tripoli. The British sent the HMS Cumberland warship to evacuate 200 British nationals and announced that the destroyer York was on its way from Gibraltar.

The U.S. announced on Feb. 28 that it was sending the huge aircraft carrier USS Enterprise and the amphibious assault ship USS Kearsarge from the Red Sea to the waters off Libya, where it will join the USS Mount Whitney and other battleships from the Sixth Fleet. U.S. officials called this a "pre-positioning of military assets."

UN Vote on Sanctions

The UN Security Council -- under U.S. pressure -- on Feb. 26 voted to impose sanctions on Libya. According to studies by the UN's own agencies, more than 1 million Iraqi children died as a result of U.S./UN-imposed sanctions on that country that paved the way for an actual U.S. invasion. Sanctions are criminal and confirm that this intervention is not due to humanitarian concern.

The sheer hypocrisy of the resolution on Libya expressing concern for "human rights" is hard to match. Just four days before the vote, the U.S. used its veto to block a mildly worded resolution criticizing Israeli settlements on Palestinian land in the West Bank.

The U.S. government blocked the Security Council from taking any action during the 2008 Israeli massacre in Gaza, which resulted in the deaths of more than 1,500 Palestinians. These international bodies, as well as the International Criminal Court, have been silent on Israeli massacres, on U.S. drone attacks on defenseless civilians in Pakistan, and on the criminal invasions and occupation of Iraq and Afghanistan.

The fact that China went along with the sanctions vote is an unfortunate example of the government in Beijing letting its interest in trade and continued oil shipments take precedence over its past opposition to sanctions that clearly impact civilian populations.

Who Leads the Opposition?

It is important to look at the opposition movement, especially those being so widely quoted in all the international media. We must assume that people with genuine grievances and wrongs have been caught up in it. But who is actually leading the movement?

A front-page New York Times article of Feb. 25 described just how different Libya is from other struggles breaking out across the Arab world. "Unlike the Facebook enabled youth rebellions, the insurrection here has been led by people who are more mature and who have been actively opposing the regime for some time." The article describes how arms had been smuggled across the border with Egypt for weeks, allowing the rebellion to "escalate quickly and violently in little more than a week."

The opposition group most widely quoted is the National Front for the Salvation of Libya. The NFSL, founded in 1981, is known to be a CIA-funded organization, with offices in Washington, D.C. It has maintained a military force, called the Libyan National Army, in Egypt near the Libyan border. A Google search of National Front for the Salvation of Libya and CIA will quickly confirm hundreds of references.

Also widely quoted is the National Conference for the Libyan Opposition. This is a coalition formed by the NFSL that also includes the Libyan Constitutional Union, led by Muhammad as-Senussi, a pretender to the Libyan throne. The web site of the LCU calls upon the Libyan people to reiterate a pledge of allegiance to King Idris El-Senusi as historical leader of the Libyan people. The flag used by the coalition is the flag of the former Kingdom of Libya.

Clearly these CIA-financed forces and old monarchists are politically and socially different from the disenfranchised youth and workers who have marched by the millions against U.S.-backed dictators in Egypt and Tunisia and are today demonstrating in Bahrain, Yemen and Oman.

According to the Times article, the military wing of the NFSL, using smuggled arms, quickly seized police and military posts in the Mediterranean port city of Benghazi and nearby areas that are north of Libya's richest oil fields and are where most of its oil and gas pipelines, refineries and its liquefied natural gas port are located. The Times and other Western media claim that this area, now under "opposition control," includes 80 percent of Libya's oil facilities.

The Libyan opposition, unlike the movements elsewhere in the Arab world, from the beginning appealed for international assistance. And the imperialists quickly responded.

For example, Mohammed Ali Abdallah, deputy secretary general of the NFSL, sent out a desperate appeal: "We are expecting a massacre." "We are sending an SOS to the international community to step in." Without international efforts to restrain Gadhafi, "there will be a bloodbath in Libya in the next 48 hours."

The Wall Street Journal, the voice of big business, in a Feb. 23 editorial wrote that "The U.S. and Europe should help the Libyans overthrow the Gadhafi regime."

U.S. Interests -- Oil

Why are Washington and the European powers willing and anxious to act on Libya?

When a new development arises it is important to review what we know of the past and to always ask, what are the interests of U.S. corporations in the region?

Libya is an oil-rich country -- one of the world's 10 richest. Libya has the largest proven oil reserves in Africa, at least 44 billion barrels. It has been producing 1.8 million barrels of oil a day -- light crude that is considered top quality and needs less refining than most other oil. Libya also has large deposits of natural gas that is easy to pipe directly to European markets. It is a large country in area with a small population 6.4 million people.

That is how the powerful U.S. oil and military corporations, banks and financial institutions who dominate global markets see Libya.

Oil and gas are today the most valuable commodities and the largest source of profits in the world. Gaining control of oil fields, pipelines, refineries and markets drives a great part of U.S. imperialist policy.

During two decades of U.S. sanctions on Libya, which Washington had calculated would bring down the regime, European corporate interests invested heavily in pipeline and infrastructure development there. Some 85 percent of Libya's energy exports go to Europe.

European transnationals -- in particular BP, Royal Dutch Shell, Total, Eni, BASF, Statoil and Rapsol -- have dominated Libya's oil market. The giant U.S. oil corporations were left out of these lucrative deals. China has been buying a growing amount of oil produced by Libya's National Oil Corp. and has built a short oil pipeline in Libya.

The huge profits that could be made by controlling Libya's oil and natural gas are what is behind the drum roll of the U.S. corporate media's call for "humanitarian intervention to save lives."

Manlio Dinucci, an Italian journalist writing for Italy's Il Manifesto, explained on Feb. 25 that "If Gadhafi is overthrown, the U.S. would be able to topple the entire framework of economic relations with Libya, opening the way to U.S.-based multinationals, so far almost entirely excluded from exploitation of energy reserves in Libya. The United States could thus control the tap for energy sources upon which Europe largely depends and which also supply China."

Libya Background

Libya was a colony of Italy from 1911 until Italy's defeat in World War II. The Western imperialist powers after the war set up regimes across the region that were called independent states but were headed by appointed monarchs with no democratic vote for the people. Libya became a sovereign country in name, but was firmly tied to the U.S. and Britain under a new monarch -- King Idris.

In 1969 as a wave of anti-colonial struggles swept the colonized world, revolutionary-minded Pan-Arab nationalist junior military officers overthrew Idris, who was vacationing in Europe. The leader of the coup was 27-year old Moammar Gadhafi.

Libya changed its name from the Kingdom of Libya to the Libyan Arab Republic and later to the Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya.

The young officers ordered the U.S. and British bases in Libya closed, including the Pentagon's large Wheelus Air Base. They nationalized the oil industry and many commercial interests that had been under U.S. and British imperialist control.

These military officers did not come to power in a revolutionary upheaval of the masses. It was not a socialist revolution. It was still a class society. But Libya was no longer under foreign domination.

Many progressive changes were carried out. New Libya made many economic and social gains. The conditions of life for the masses radically improved. Most basic necessities -- food, housing, fuel, health care and education -- were either heavily subsidized or became entirely free. Subsidies were used as the best way to redistribute the national wealth.

Conditions for women changed dramatically. Within 20 years Libya had the highest Human Development Index ranking in Africa -- a UN measurement of life expectancy, educational attainment and adjusted real income. Through the 1970s and 1980s, Libya was internationally known for taking strong anti-imperialist positions and supporting other revolutionary struggles, from the African National Congress in South Africa to the Palestine Liberation Organization and the Irish Republican Army.

The U.S. carried out numerous assassination and coup attempts against the Gadhafi regime and financed armed opposition groups, such as the NFSL. Some U.S. attacks were blatant and open. For example, without warning 66 U.S. jets bombed the Libyan capital of Tripoli and its second-largest city, Benghazi, on April 15, 1986. Gadhafi's home was bombed and his infant daughter killed in the attack, along with hundreds of others.

Throughout the 1980s and 1990s the U.S. succeeded in isolating Libya through severe economic sanctions. Every effort was made to sabotage the economy and to destabilize the government.

Demonization of Qaddafi

It is up to the people of Libya, of Africa and of the Arab World to evaluate the contradictory role of Gadhafi, the chair of Libya's Revolutionary Command Council. People here, in the center of an empire built on global exploitation, should not join in the racist characterizations, ridicule and demonization of Gadhafi that saturate the corporate media.

Even if Gadhafi were as quiet and austere as a monk and as careful as a diplomat, as president of an oil-rich, previously underdeveloped African country he still would have been hated, ridiculed and demonized by U.S. imperialism if he resisted U.S. corporate domination. That was his real crime and for that he has never been forgiven.

It is important to note that degrading and racist terms are never used against reliable U.S. pawns or dictators, regardless of how corrupt or ruthless they may be to their own people.

U.S. Threats Forces Concessions

It was after the U.S. war crime billed as "shock and awe," with its massive aerial bombardment of Iraq followed by a ground invasion and occupation, that Libya finally succumbed to U.S. demands. After decades of militant, anti-imperialist solidarity, Libya dramatically changed course. Gadhafi offered to assist the U.S. in its "war on terror."

Washington's demands were onerous and humiliating. Libya was forced to accept full responsibility for the downing of the Lockerbie aircraft and pay $2.7 billion in indemnities. That was just the beginning. In order for U.S. sanctions to be lifted, Libya had to open its markets and "restructure" its economy. It was all part of the package.

Regardless of Gadhafi's many concessions and the subsequent grand receptions for him by European heads of state, U.S. imperialism was planning his complete humiliation and downfall. U.S. think tanks engaged in numerous studies of how to undermine and weaken Gadhafi's popular support.

IMF strategists descended on Libya with programs. The new economic advisors prescribed the same measures they impose on every developing country. But Libya did not have a foreign debt; it has a positive trade balance of $27 billion a year. The only reason the IMF demanded an end to subsidies of basic necessities was to undercut the social basis of support for the regime.

Libya's "market liberalization" meant a cut in $5 billion worth of subsidies annually. For decades, the state had been subsidizing 93 percent of the value of several basic commodities, notably fuel. After accepting the IMF program, the government doubled the price of electricity for consumers. There was a sudden 30 percent hike in fuel prices. This touched off price increases in many other goods and services as well.

Libya was told to privatize 360 state-owned companies and enterprises, including steel mills, cement plants, engineering firms, food factories, truck and bus assembly lines and state farms. This left thousands of workers jobless.

Libya had to sell a 60-percent stake in the state-owned oil company Tamoil Group and privatize its General National Company for Flour Mills and Fodder.

The Carnegie Endowment Fund was already charting the impact of economic reforms. A 2005 report titled "Economic Reforms Anger Libyan Citizens" by Eman Wahby said that "Another aspect of structural reform was the end of restrictions on imports. Foreign companies were granted licenses to export to Libya through local agents. As a result, products from all over the world have flooded the previously isolated Libyan market." This was a disaster for workers in Libya's factories, which are unequipped to face competition.

More than $4 billion poured into Libya, which became Africa's top recipient of foreign investment. As the bankers and their think tanks knew so well, this did not benefit the Libyan masses, it impoverished them.

But no matter what Gadhafi did, it was never enough for U.S. corporate power. The bankers and financiers wanted more. There was no trust. Gadhafi had opposed the U.S. for decades and was still considered highly "unreliable."

The magazine US Banker in May 2005 ran an article titled "Emerging Markets: Is Libya the Next Frontier for U.S. Banks?" It said that "As the nation passes reforms, profits beckon. But chaos abounds." It interviewed Robert Armao, president of the New York City[-based U.S.-Libya Trade and Economic Council: "All the big Western banks are now exploring opportunities there." said Armao. "The political situation with [Gadhafi] is still very suspect." The potential "looks wonderful for banks. Libya is a country untouched and a land of opportunity. It will happen, but it may take a little time."

Libya has never been a socialist country. There has always been extensive inherited wealth and old privileges. It is a class society with millions of workers, many of them immigrants.

Restructuring the economy to maximize profits for Western bankers destabilized relations, even in the ruling circles. Who gets in on the deals to privatize key industries, which families, which tribes? Who is left out? Old rivalries and competitions surfaced.

Just how carefully the U.S. government was monitoring these imposed changes can be seen in recently released Wikileaks cables from the U.S. Embassy in Tripoli, reprinted in the Britain-based Telegraph of Jan. 31. A cable titled "Inflation on the rise in Libya and sent on Jan. 4, 2009, described the impact of "a radical program of privatization and government restructuring."

"Particular increases were seen," the cable said, "in prices for foodstuffs -- the price of previously subsidized goods such as sugar, rice, and flour increased by 85 percent in the two years since subsidies were lifted. Construction materials have also increased markedly: prices for cement, aggregate, and bricks have increased by 65 percent in the past year. Cement has gone from 5 Libyan dinars for a 50-kilogram bag to 17 dinars in one year; the price of steel bars has increased by a factor of ten.

"The [Libyan government's] termination of subsidies and price controls as part of a broader program of economic reform and privatization has certainly contributed to inflationary pressures and prompted some grumbling.

"The combination of high inflation and diminishing subsidies and price controls is worrying for a Libyan public accustomed to greater government cushioning from market forces."

These U.S. Embassy cables confirm that while continuing to maintain and finance Libyan opposition groups in Egypt, Washington and London were also constantly taking the temperature of the mass discontent caused by their policies.

Today millions of people in the U.S. and around the world are deeply inspired by the actions of millions of youths in the streets of Egypt, Tunisia, Bahrain, Yemen and now Oman. The impact is felt even in the sit-in in Wisconsin.

It is vital for the U.S. political and class-conscious movement to resist the enormous pressure of a U.S.-orchestrated campaign for military intervention in Libya. A new imperialist adventure must be challenged. Solidarity with the peoples' movements! U.S. hands off!

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When Historical Memory Is Erased --
In the Square the Flags of King Idris Wave


Flag of the Kingdom of Libya, 1951-1969

Benghazi captured, the rebels have lowered the green flag of the Republic of Libya, hoisting in its place the red, black and green banner with crescent and star: the flag of the monarchy of King Idris. The same flag was hoisted by protesters (including those of the Partito democratico and the Rifondazione comunista) on the gate of the Libyan embassy in Rome, raising the cry: "Here's the flag of democratic Libya, that of King Idris." It was a symbolic act, rich in history and burning current events.

The Emir of Cyrenaica

Already the emir of Cyrenaica and Tripoli, Sidi Muhammad Idris al-Mahdi al-Senussi was put on the throne of Libya by the British when the country gained independence in 1951. It had been an Italian colony since 1911. Libya became a federal monarchy, in which King Idris was head of state, with the right to pass it on to his heirs. It was always the king who would appoint the prime minister, the Council of Ministers and half the members of the Senate, which had the right to dissolve the House of Representatives.

According to a twenty-year treaty of "friendship and alliance" with Britain, in 1953, King Idris granted to the British, in exchange for financial and military assistance, the use of air, naval and land bases in Cyrenaica and Tripolitania. A similar agreement was concluded in 1954 with the United States, which obtained the use of the Wheelus Air Base just outside Tripoli. It became the main U.S. air base in the Mediterranean. In addition, the United States and Britain were able to use firing ranges in Libya for their military aviation. With Italy, King Idris in 1956 concluded an agreement which not only wiped Italy clear of all damages to Libya, but allowed the Italian community in Tripoli to maintain its assets practically intact.

Libya became even more important for the U.S. and Britain when, in the late 1950s, the U.S.-based company Esso (ExxonMobil) confirmed the existence of large oil fields and others were discovered soon after. The major companies, such as the U.S.'s Esso and Britain's British Petroleum, got advantageous concessions that ensured their control and the bulk of the profit from Libya's oil. The Italian company Eni also obtained two concessions, through Agip. To better control the deposits, the government's federal form was abolished in 1963, eliminating the historical regions of Cyrenaica, Tripolitania and Fezzan.

The protests of Libyan nationalists, who accused King Idris of selling out the country, were stifled by police repression. The rebellion grew, however, especially in the armed forces. It resulted in a coup -- whose chief architect was Captain Muammar Gadhafi  -- carried out without bloodshed in 1969 by just 50 officers, calling themselves "Free Officers" on the Nasser model.

The monarchy abolished, the Libyan Arab Republic in 1970 forced the U.S. and British forces to evacuate their military bases and, the following year, nationalized the properties held by British Petroleum and forced other companies to pay the Libyan state a much higher share of the profits.

The Propaganda of 1911

The flag of King Idris, which is flying again now in the civil war in Libya, is the banner of those who, by manipulating the struggle of those genuinely fighting for democracy against the regime of Gadhafi , plan to bring Libya back under control of the powers that once dominated it. Those forces, headed by the United States, are preparing to land in Libya under the cover of "peacekeeping." Meanwhile, in concert with the Pentagon, the Italian Defense Minister Ignacio La Russa announced that from Sigonella military base [Sicily] military airplanes will fly directly to Libya for "purely humanitarian purposes." The same "humanitarian intervention" that the pacifists and those who waved the flag of King Idris are demanding in an "urgent appeal," but they forget history. They should remember that a century ago, in 1911, the Italian occupation of Libya, prepared by incessant propaganda, was supported by majority public opinion, while in the cabarets they sang, "Tripoli, sing land of love come sweetly where the syrup runs." Times and language change, but the rhyme remains, "to the roar of guns."

(Translated from the Italian by John Catalinotto)

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