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February 22, 2010 - No. 38
The U.S. Concept of Absolute Military
Superiority
• The U.S.
Concept of Absolute Military Superiority
• Hillary Clinton's Prescription: Make the
World a NATO Protectorate - Rick Rozoff, Stop NATO
The U.S. Concept of Absolute Military Superiority
There is a growing concern within
certain circles in the
U.S. for the unsustainable cost of the U.S. military. However, the
concern for the cost of war and the central place
of the military in U.S. political, economic and social affairs is
superficial given the reality that the U.S. Empire from its very
beginning has engaged in endless wars to conquer North America and
beyond. The essential kernel of the U.S. Empire is a military force
greater than the enemy it faces. It is the concept of
absolutism: absolute superiority not just in military terms but in
ideology, in thinking. U.S. "values" must be seen and believed to be
greater than all others otherwise what is the point. What was the point
of absolute military superiority over every single Aboriginal nation
and exterminating them and stealing their
land if not the absolute superiority of the European man made better as
U.S. flesh and bones. The U.S. concept of absolute military superiority
and absolute ideological superiority to all others is crucial for the
maintenance and expansion of the U.S. Empire. The Empire can only exist
in a military and ideological
atmosphere of absolutism. It must crush with utmost contempt all others
including their ancient and contemporary thought material.
If the USians concerned about the
cost of the U.S. wars are serious about challenging the role of their
military in the U.S. and the world, they must challenge the political,
cultural, social and ideological foundation of the United States
itself. The U.S. has expanded into a world imperialist empire
extracting
tribute from every pore of humanity and Mother Earth. The U.S. military
is one of its essential elements. The glorification of the U.S.
military is inextricably bound together with glorification of the
Empire and the ideological foundation of that empire based on
superiority over all others. This began with General
George Washington and will continue until its replacement.
The greatest victory of the militarist U.S. was the
defeat and occupation of militarist Japan. The conquest of East Asia
set the stage for the accession of the U.S. Empire as the most dominant
aggressive imperialist power the world has ever suffered. If USians
concerned with the cost of the U.S. military are
to make a contribution to the peoples of the world, they must challenge
their own thinking, reject the ideological foundation of empire, unite
with the peoples of the world who are resisting the U.S. Empire with
their blood and entire being, and participate consciously in acts of
overthrowing the dictatorship of the
U.S. monopoly capitalist class.

Hillary Clinton's Prescription:
Make the World a NATO Protectorate
- Rick Rozoff, Stop NATO, January 31,
2010 -

Worldwide demonstrations
condemn NATO on its 60th anniversary in 2009.
U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton was busy in
London and Paris [in the last week of January] advancing the new
Euro-Atlantic agenda for
the world.
As the top foreign policy official of what her
commander-in-chief Barack Obama touted as being the world's sole
military superpower on December 10, she is no ordinary foreign
minister. Her position is rather some composite of several ones from
previous historical epochs: Viceroy, proconsul, imperial
nuncio.
When a U.S. secretary of state speaks the world pays
heed. Any nation that doesn't will suffer the consequences of that
inattention, that disrespect toward the imperatrix mundi.
On January 27 she was in London for a conference on
Yemen and the following day she attended the International Conference
on Afghanistan in the same city.
Also on the 28th she and two-thirds of her NATO quad
counterparts, British Foreign Secretary David Miliband and French
Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner (along with EU High Representative
Catherine Ashton), pronounced a joint verdict on the state of democracy
in Nigeria, Britain's former colonial
possession.
Afterwards she crossed the English channel and delivered
an address called "Remarks on the Future of European Security" at
L'Ecole
Militaire in Paris on January 29. That presentation was the most
substantive component of her three-day European junket and the only one
that dealt mainly with the continent
itself, her previous comments relating to what are viewed by the United
States and its Western European NATO partners as backwards,
"ungovernable" international badlands. That is, the rest of the world.
While in Paris, Clinton held a joint press conference
with her counterpart Kouchner and said, "we...discussed the results of
the London meetings on Yemen and Afghanistan. We have a lot of work
ahead of us. We appreciate greatly the support that France has given in
developing a European police
force mission to support NATO in its effort to train police.
"We will be consulting even more closely. Our work in
Africa is particularly important. I applaud France for resuming
diplomatic relations with Rwanda, and I also appreciate greatly the
work that Bernard and the government here is doing in Guinea and in
other African countries."[1]
Rwanda and Guinea (Conakry) are former French colonies.
Two days before she made a similar joint appearance in
London with British Foreign Secretary David Miliband and Yemeni Foreign
Minister Abu Bakr Abdullah al-Qirbi. Yemen is a former British colony.
The conference on that country held on January 27 also included the
Foreign Minister of the
Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Prince Saud Al-Faisal, but not Secretary
General Amr Moussa or any other representative of the 22-member Arab
League.
Having the foreign minister of the unpopular government
in Yemen that the U.S. is waging a covert -- and not so covert -- war
to
defend against mass opposition in both the north and south of the
nation and the foreign minister of the nation that is bombing villages
and killing hundreds of civilians in
the north was sufficient for the Barack Obama and Gordon Brown
governments. A war on the Arabian peninsula whose three major
belligerents are the Yemeni government, Saudi Arabia and the U.S. is
not viewed by Washington and London as a matter that 20 other Arab
nations need to be consulted about.
Clinton delivered comments on the occasion that were
exactly what were required to obscure the real state of affairs in
Yemen in furtherance of her nation's military campaign there: "The
United States is intensifying security and development efforts with
Yemen. We are encouraged by the Government
of Yemen's recent efforts to take action against al-Qaida and against
other extremist groups. They have been relentlessly pursuing the
terrorists who threaten not only Yemen but the Gulf region and far
beyond, here to London and to our country in the United States."[2]
Bombing Shia civilians in the country's north and
resorting to the preferred "diplomatic" intervention of the last four
American secretaries of state -- cruise missiles -- in the south in the
name of protecting London from Osama bin Laden is yet another
illustration of how a nation behaves when it doesn't
have a formal diplomatic corps.
In the same breath she added "The Yemeni people deserve
the opportunity to determine their own future," when there was nothing
further from her mind.
She acknowledged that "a longstanding protest movement
continues" in the south and that fighting in the north "has left many
thousands dead and more than 200,000 displaced" -- without in any
manner
alluding to Saudi armed assaults in the north and U.S. cruise missile
attacks in the south -- but her
focus remained firmly on "extremists who incite violence and inflict
harm." American bombs and missiles, of course, are nonviolent and
harmless in the Secretary's us-versus-them view of statecraft.
Clinton didn't miss an opportunity to dress down her
nation's client Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh -- "This must be a
partnership if it is to have a successful outcome" -- for his failure
to adequately "protect human rights, advance gender equity, build
democratic institutions and the rule of law."
The U.S. may extend its Afghanistan-Pakistan war into the Arabian
Peninsula and the Horn of Africa[3]
in nominal support of the Yemeni
head of state and his Somali counterpart President Sheik Sharif Sheik
Ahmed, but they and their like -- Afghanistan's Hamid Karzai and
Pakistan's Asif Ali Zardari -- should
not for a minute forget who is in charge and who makes the rules.
The secretary of state had nothing to say about the
condition of human rights, gender equality and so forth in Saudi Arabia
and America's other military vassals in the Persian Gulf. Medieval
monarchies and hereditary autocracies that host American military
bases, buy billions of dollars of advanced
weapons from Raytheon, Lockheed Martin and Northrop Grumman and are
home to the U.S. 5th Fleet are not subjected to homilies on human
rights and "democratic institutions."
On the day of the London conference on Afghanistan
Clinton, flanked by the foreign ministers of Africa's two former major
colonial masters, Britain's David Miliband and France's Bernard
Kouchner, also delivered a lecture to the government of Nigeria,
ordering it to address "electoral reform, post-amnesty
programs in the Niger Delta, economic development, inter-faith discord
and transparency."[4]
At the January 28 International Conference on
Afghanistan, attended by the foreign ministers of all 28 NATO member
states and dozens of NATO partnership underlings with troops in the
South Asian war zone -- the "international community" as the West
defines it -- Clinton complemented the Pentagon's
allies and satraps:
"I think that what we have seen is a global challenge
that is being met with a global response. I especially thank the
countries that have committed additional troops, leading with our host
country, the United Kingdom, but including Italy, Germany, Romania."[5]
She will need yet more troops in the near future for a
far larger conflict than those the U.S. and NATO are currently involved
with in Afghanistan, Pakistan, Yemen and Somalia if the following
comments contribute to the results they appear to intend:
"I also had a chance to discuss Iran's refusal to engage
with the international community on its nuclear program. They continue
to violate IAEA and Security Council requirements.
"The revelation of Iran's secret nuclear facility at Qom
has raised further questions about Iran's intentions. And in response
to these questions, the Iranian Government has provided a continuous
stream of threats to intensify its violation of international nuclear
norms. Iran's approach leaves us with
little choice but to work with our partners to apply greater
pressure...."
Washington and its main NATO partners Britain, France
and Germany along with miscellaneous allies around the world -- "rogue"
nuclear powers India, Israel and Pakistan among them (who know who to
align with and purchase arms from) -- dictate the terms on matters
ranging from the proper holding
of elections to which nation can develop a civilian nuclear power
program. Any country outside the "Euro-Atlantic" and "international"
communities faces censure, threats, "greater pressure" and ultimately
military attack.
The U.S. has a population of 300 million and the
European Union of 500 million, combined well under one-eighth that of
the world. Yet the two, whose military wing is NATO, hold
"international conferences" on Asia, the Middle East and other parts of
the world and presume to deliver ultimatums
to all other nations.
To cite a recent example, the New York Times reported
that "Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton warned China on
[January 29] that it would face economic insecurity and diplomatic
isolation if it did not sign on to tough new sanctions against Iran for
its nuclear program, seeking to raise the
pressure on Beijing to fall in line with an American-led campaign."[6]
On the same day "The Obama administration notified Congress on Friday
of its plans to proceed with five arms sales transactions with Taiwan
worth a total of $6.4 billion. The arms deals include 60 Black Hawk
helicopters, Patriot interceptor
missiles, advanced Harpoon missiles that can be used against land or
ship targets and two refurbished minesweepers."[7]
Clinton has joined in the U.S. chorus of hectoring of
China since she took up her current post last year, in May even raising
the specter of Chinese penetration of Latin America.
China is not Afghanistan or Yemen. It is not even Iran.
The last generation's foreign policy hubris and megalomania of the
West, epitomized by its wars in Southeast Europe and South Asia and the
Middle East, may be headed into far more dangerous territory.
Grandiosity, arrogance and perceived impunity blind
those afflicted with them, whether individuals or nations.
No clearer example exists than Secretary Clinton's
remarks in Paris on January 29.
To demonstrate the worldview of those she represents --
that the United States and Europe are the incontestable metropolises
and rulers by right of the planet -- early in her address Clinton said
"I appreciate the opportunity to discuss a matter of great consequence
to the United States, France, and every
country on this continent and far beyond the borders: the future of
European security."[8]
That is, the U.S. arrogates to itself the prerogative of
not only speaking with authority on the security of a continent 3,500
miles away but intervening around the world in its alleged defense.
Flattering her hosts, she further said: "As founding
members of the NATO Alliance, our countries have worked side by side
for decades to build a strong and secure Europe and to defend and
promote democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. And I am
delighted that we are working even more
closely now that France is fully participating in NATO's integrated
command structure. I thank President Sarkozy for his leadership and
look forward to benefiting from the counsel of our French colleagues as
together we chart NATO's future."
Regarding the phrase "to defend and promote democracy,
human rights, and the rule of law," evocative of almost identical terms
used two days earlier in reference to Yemen, Clinton's Paris speech was
fairly overflowing with similar language.
The words recently have been tarnished and debased so
thoroughly by the use they have frequently served -- justifying war --
that they are at risk of deteriorating into not so much noble as
suspect abstractions.
Worse yet, they are incantations employed to praise
oneself for uniquely possessing them and to castigate others who don't.
["Our work extends beyond Europe as well....European and American
voices speak as one to denounce the gross violations of human rights in
Iran." But not in Saudi Arabia,
Western Sahara, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, post-"independence"
Kosovo, Estonia and Latvia, etc.]
Clinton's speech contained these terms and phrases in
the following sequence:
- democracy, human rights, and the rule of law
- unity, partnership, and peace
- global progress
- reconciliation, cooperation, and community
- security and our prosperity
- importance of liberty and freedom
- peace and security
- development, democracy, and human rights
- human potential
- democratic institutions and the rule of law
- progress and stability
- democracy and stability
- accountable, effective governments
- economic and democratic development
- expanding opportunity
- development and greater stability
- defend and promote human rights
- peace and opportunity and prosperity
- defending and advancing our values in the world
- a Europe transformed, secure, democratic, unified and prosperous
The last is a variant of A Europe Whole And Free[9]
first employed by President George H.W. Bush in 1989 to inaugurate his
putative new world order.
As will be seen by further excerpts from her address (as
well as its location and context), Clinton's use of the above
expressions was, as noted, both self-congratulatory and in
contradistinction to the implied lack of what they pertain to in the
world outside of the Euro-Atlantic community and its approved
allies elsewhere. Again taking up the theme of Western superiority and
the need for the Euro-Atlantic precedent to be enforced on others, she
said "European security is, not only to the individual nations, but to
the world. It is, after all, more than a collection of countries linked
by history and geography. It is a model
for the transformative power of reconciliation, cooperation, and
community."
However, "much important work remains unfinished. The
transition to democracy is incomplete in parts of Europe and Eurasia."
The subjugation of Europe's eastern "hinterlands" will be explored
later in relation to her comments on the European Union's Eastern
Partnership and related matters.
"The transatlantic partnership has been both a
cornerstone of global security and a powerful force for global
progress.
"NATO is revising its Strategic Concept to prepare for
the alliance's summit at the end of this year here at (inaudible). I
know there's a lot of thinking going on about strategic threats and how
to meet them. Next week, at the Munich Security Conference, leaders
from across the continent will address
urgent security and foreign policy challenges.
"The United States, too, has also been studying ways to
strengthen European security and, therefore our own security, and to
extend it to foster security on a global scale."
To elite trans-Atlantic policy makers the above
paragraphs' meaning is indisputable: The use of the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization military bloc -- the true foundation of the
"transatlantic partnership" -- in waging war in and effectively
colonizing the Balkans and in expanding into Eastern Europe,
incorporating twelve new nations including former Warsaw Pact members
and Soviet republics, is the worldwide paradigm for the West in the
21st century.
That mechanism, using Europe as NATO's springboard for
geopolitical aggrandizement in the east and the south, is being applied
at the moment against larger adversaries than the bloc has tackled
before now:
"European security remains an anchor of U.S. foreign and
security policy. A strong Europe is critical to our security and our
prosperity. Much of what we hope to accomplish globally depends on
working together with Europe....And so we are working with European
allies and partners to help bring
stability to Afghanistan and try to take on the dangers posed by Iran's
nuclear ambition."
"We have repeatedly called on Russia to honor the terms
of its ceasefire agreement with Georgia, and we refuse to recognize
Russia's claims of independence for Abkhazia and South Ossetia. More
broadly, we object to any spheres of influence claimed in Europe in
which one country seeks to control
another's future. Our security depends upon nations being able to
choose their own destiny."
The final sentence is galling beyond endurance, coming
as it does from the foreign policy chief of a nation with hundreds of
thousands of troops in Afghanistan and Iraq and which with its NATO
allies waged war against Yugoslavia and tore the nation apart.
The one preceding it is equally absurd, as Clinton
repeatedly insists on the right of the U.S. to be not only a major
player on the European continent but the main arbiter of military,
security, political, energy and other policies there while denouncing
Russia -- it didn't need to be named -- for alleged
designs to establish a "sphere of influence" in neighboring states.
"Security in Europe must be indivisible. For too long,
the public discourse around Europe's security has been fixed on
geographical and political divides. Some have looked at the continent
even now and seen Western and Eastern Europe, old and new Europe, NATO
and non-NATO Europe, EU and
non-EU Europe. The reality is that there are not many Europes; there is
only one Europe. And it is a Europe that includes the United States as
its partner....We are closer than ever to achieving the goal that has
inspired European and American leaders and citizens -- not only a
Europe transformed, secure, democratic,
unified and prosperous, but a Euro-Atlantic alliance that is greater
than the sum of its parts...."
For decades, indeed since the end of World War II,
American leaders have been "inspired" by a vision of a Europe
transformed and unified -- under NATO military command and a European
Union serving as the civilian, and increasingly military, complement to
the Alliance.
"NATO must and will remain open to any country that
aspires to become a member and can meet the requirements of
membership," even Ukraine where the overwhelming majority of its
citizens oppose being pulled into the military bloc. ["We stand with
the people of Ukraine as they choose their
next elected president in the coming week, an important step in
Ukraine's journey toward democracy, stability, and integration into
Europe. And we are devoting ourselves to efforts to resolve enduring
conflicts, including in the Caucasus and on Cyprus."]
And should a nation be incorporated into the bloc even
against the will of its people, then the U.S. "will maintain an
unwavering commitment to the pledge enshrined in Article 5 of the NATO
treaty that an attack on one is an attack on all. When France and our
other NATO allies invoked Article 5
in the aftermath of the attacks of September 11th, 2001, it was a
proclamation to the world that our promise to each other was not
rhetorical, but real....And for that, I thank you. And I assure you and
all members of NATO that our commitment to Europe's defense is equally
strong.
"As proof of that commitment, we will continue to
station American troops in Europe, both to deter attacks and respond
quickly if any occur. We are working with our allies to ensure that
NATO has the plans it needs for responding to new and evolving
contingencies. We are engaged in productive
discussions with our European allies about building a new missile
defense architecture...."
Washington is uncompromisingly bent on expanding NATO
even further along Russia's borders -- Ukraine, Georgia, Azerbaijan and
Finland -- despite misgivings among some NATO allies in Europe, and
will use the Alliance's Article 5 war clause to "protect" those new
outposts. It will also drag all
of Europe into its worldwide interceptor missile system.
And not against military threats -- there is no military
threat to any European nation -- but against a veritable plethora of
phantom pretexts, including so-called cyber and energy security, both
of which are subterfuges for the U.S. to intervene against Russia. A
host of other ploys for NATO intervention
were added, many from NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen's
17-point list of last year[10]:
Iran's nuclear program, "confronting
North Korea's defiance of its international obligations," "tackling
non-traditional threats such as pandemic disease, cyber warfare, and
the trafficking of children" and the
"need to be doing even more, such as in missile defense,
counternarcotics, and Afghanistan." Anything and everything is grist to
the U.S.'s and NATO's mill.
As Clinton put it, "In the 21st century, the spirit of
collective defense must also include non-traditional threats. We
believe NATO's new Strategic Concept must address these new threats.
Energy security is a particularly pressing priority. Countries
vulnerable to energy cut-offs face not only economic
consequences but strategic risks as well. And I welcome the recent
establishment of the U.S.-EU Energy Council, and we are determined to
support Europe in its efforts to diversify its energy supplies."
Diversifying energy supplies is a code phrase for
driving Russia and keeping Iran out of oil and natural gas deliveries
to Europe. If the tables were turned the U.S. would view -- and treat
-- such a policy as an act of war.
The global expansion of the American agenda in Europe
was indicated further in Clinton's remarks that "This partnership is
about so much more than strengthening our security. At its core, it is
about defending and advancing our values in the world. I think it is
particularly critical today that we not
only defend those values in the world. I think it is particularly
critical today that we not only defend those values, but promote them;
that we are not only on defense, but on offense." And placing the
current world situation in historical perspective, she said: "We are
continuing the enterprise that we began at the
end of the Cold War to expand the zone of democracy and stability. We
have worked together this year to complete the effort we started in the
1990s to help bring peace and stability to the Balkans. And we are
working closely with the EU to support the six countries that the EU
engages through its Eastern Partnership
initiative."
The Eastern Partnership is a U.S.-backed European Union
program to pull six of twelve former Soviet repiblics that formed the
Commonwealth of Independent States into the Western orbit: Armenia,
Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine.[11]
Armenia and
Belarus are members with Russia
of the Collective Security Treaty Organization, a potential
counterbalance to NATO's drive into the former Soviet Union. Along with
Serbia and Cyprus, those nations represent the last obstacles to NATO,
and behind it the U.S., securing control of all of Europe.
Clinton also had the audacity to raise the issues of the
Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START) and the Conventional Forces in
Europe Treaty (CFE), the first almost two months beyond its December 5
expiration and the other, in its adapted form, not ratified by a single
member state of NATO,
which -- led by the U.S. -- is exploiting its suspension for military
buildups in new Eastern European nations.
"Two years ago, Russia suspended the implementation of
the CFE Treaty, while the United States and our allies continue to do
so. The Russia-Georgia war in 2008 was not only a tragedy but has
created a further obstacle to moving forward...." The U.S. and NATO
have justified their non-ratification
of the Adapted Conventional Forces in Europe Treaty by demanding that
Russia withdraw a small handful of peacekeepers it maintains in
post-conflict zones in Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Transdniester. Had
those forces been withdrawn earlier under Western pressure, Georgia's
invasion of South Ossetia in 2008,
coordinated with an attack on Abkhazia, might have proven successful
for its American-trained army.
Part of Clinton's self-serving interpretation of the CFE
Treaty is "the right of host countries to consent to stationing foreign
troops in their territory." That is, U.S. and NATO and decidedly not
Russia troops. There can be no spheres of influence in former Soviet
space -- except the West's.
Her understanding of an autonomous Europe not "besieged"
by Russia and Iran -- and North Korea -- includes not only stationing
American troops on its soil but also nuclear weapons, hundreds of which
are still housed in NATO bases in several European countries.
"President Obama declared the long-term
goal of a world without nuclear weapons. As long as these weapons
exist, the United States will maintain a safe, secure, and effective
arsenal to deter any adversary, and we will guarantee that defense to
our allies.
"[W]e are conducting a comprehensive Nuclear Posture
Review to chart a new course that strengthens deterrence and
reassurance for the United States and our allies...." Clinton didn't
indicate which European nations have requested to be placed under the
Pentagon's nuclear shield.
After her presentation Clinton answered questions from
the audience at the French Military Academy.
Her extemporaneous comments were even more revealing
that her prepared text.
They included:
"When it comes to NATO, I think that greater integration
on the European continent provides even more opportunity for the level
of cooperation to increase.
"But I think, given the complexity of the world today,
closer cooperation and more complementarity between the EU and NATO is
in all of our interests to try to forge common policies -- economic and
development and political and legal on the one hand in the EU, and
principally security on the other
hand in NATO. But as I said in my remarks, they are no longer
separated. It's hard to say that security is only about what it was
when NATO was formed, and the EU has no role to play in security
issues."
NATO's new Strategic Concept lays particular emphasis on
the advancement -- indeed the culmination -- of U.S.-EU-NATO global
military integration.[12]
Regarding the implementation of that project, Clinton
stipulated the issue of energy wars. "[I]t would be the EU's
responsibility to create policies that would provide more independence
and protections from intimidation when it comes to energy markets from
member nations. But I can also see how
in certain cases respecting energy, there may be a role for NATO as
well."
When asked about what in recent years has been referred
to as Global NATO "extending the boundaries of NATO to non-Western
countries, emerging powers like Brazil, India, other democracies that
might fulfill their criteria," Clinton advocated a series of expanding
partnerships in addition to the
Partnership for Peace, Adriatic Charter, Mediterranean Dialogue,
Istanbul Cooperation Initiative, Contact Country, Trilateral
Afghanistan-Pakistan-NATO Military Commission and others that take in
over a third of the nations in the world:
"How do we cooperate across geographic distance with
countries in other hemispheres, different geopolitical challenges? And
there is a modern living example of that with the NATO ISAF commitment
in Afghanistan.
"In many ways, it's quite remarkable, the success of
this alliance. Yesterday at the London conference on Afghanistan, as
you know, the United States, under President Obama, has agreed to put
30,000 more troops in Afghanistan. And member nations, NATO and ISAF --
the international partners --
have come up with a total of 9,000 more troops....NATO is leading the
way, but NATO has to determine in what ways it can cooperate with
others. I think that the world that we face of failing states,
non-state actors, networks of terrorists, rogue regimes -- North Korea
being a prime example -- really test the international
community. And it's a test we have to pass. Now, there are some who say
this is too complicated, it is out of area, it is not our
responsibility. But given the nature of the threats we face, I don't
think that's an adequate response.
"[C]yber security breaches, concerted attacks on
networks and countries, are likely to cross borders. We have to know
how to defend against them and we have to enlist nations who are
likeminded to work with. Similarly, with energy problems, attacks on
pipelines, attacks on container ships, attacks
on electric grids will have consequences far beyond boundaries. And it
won't just be NATO nations. NATO nations border non-NATO nations."
A small consortium of Western nations, two in North
America and 26 in Europe -- though most of the latter are nothing more
than slavishly subservient junior partners -- has appointed itself, for
its own interests, the arbiter of world affairs in all matters from
judging the political legitimacy of governments
to who receives energy supplies from whom to the most urgent question
of all, when and against whom wars can be launched.[13]
Clinton's speech in Paris has signaled her country's
intention to formalize and extend that role throughout the world in the
21st century.
Notes
1.
http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2010/01/136280.htm
2.
http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2010/01/135930.htm
3. U.S., NATO Expand Afghan War To Horn
Of Africa And Indian Ocean, Stop NATO,
January
8,
2010
4.
http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2010/01/136151.htm
5.
http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2010/01/136159.htm
6. New York Times, January 29,
2010
7. New York Times, January 30,
2010
8.
http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2010/01/136273.htm
9. Berlin Wall: From Europe Whole And
Free To New World Order, Stop NATO,
November
9,
2009
10. Berlin Wall: From Europe Whole And
Free To New World Order, Stop NATO,
November
9,
2009
11. Eastern Partnership: The West's Final
Assault On the Former Soviet Union, Stop
NATO, February 13, 2009
12. EU, NATO, US: 21st Century Alliance
For Global Domination, Stop NATO,
February
19,
2009
13. EU, NATO, US: 21st Century Alliance
For Global Domination, Stop NATO,
February
19,
2009

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