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August 2, 2006 - No. 111

Resistance Is a Right! All Out to Support the
Just Cause of the Lebanese People!

Resistance Is a Right! All Out to Support the Just Cause of the Lebanese People!
Hezbollah Is a Resistance Organization, Not a Militia - Extracts from Articles by Adib S. Kawar
U.S. Congress Passes Resolutions Supporting Israeli Aggression
The Logic of Israel's War on Civilians - Ramzy Baroud, The Peninsula (Qatar)
Human Shields: Shielding the Truth - Sharif Hikmat Nashashibi, Arab Media Watch
Israel, Hezbollah, and the Use and Abuse of Self-Defence in International Law - Victor Kattan, Arab Media Watch


Resistance Is a Right! All Out to Support the
Just Cause of the Lebanese People!

On August 2, a special session of the House Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Trade was called to discuss the situation in Lebanon. The result of the session was that the committee adopted a motion urging the Canadian government to call for "an immediate ceasefire by all parties." The motion was passed without the support of the Conservative government.

TML condemns the stand of the Government of Canada expressed by Foreign Affairs Minister Peter MacKay at the committee meeting. MacKay blamed Hezbollah for what is taking place in Lebanon, calling the resistance organization a "cancer destroying democracy in Lebanon." Presenting the issue as "terrorism versus democracy," MacKay stated that the Conservative government believes "it is not a difficult choice between a democratic state [Israel] that was attacked by terrorists and cold-blooded killers." He called Hezbollah a "terrorist army" that "has shown no interest in a ceasefire" and is using civilians as "human shields."

The Canadian ruling circles are unleashing a brutal assault on the consciousness of the Canadian people by claiming that support for Israeli aggression is moral while trying to sow doubt about the resistance of the Lebanese people to Israeli state terror by claiming that Hezbollah is a terrorist organization.

TML condemns the Canadian government's attempt to disinform Canadian public opinion with its rendering of the situation in Lebanon. Hezbollah is a resistance organization in Lebanon which for decades has been exercising the internationally recognized right to resist foreign occupation. The placement of the Lebanese and Palestinian resistance on the list of terrorist organizations in Canada and the U.S. was for the sole purpose of clearing the path for what is taking place today, the Hitlerite assault on sovereign peoples as the U.S. imperialists seek to assert their control over West Asia and Northeast Africa.

The Lebanese people are fighting tenaciously to defend the sovereignty of their nation and preserve its existence against an invading army which is hell bent on causing as much destruction as possible. They are upholding the traditions of the national liberation movements in which the lives of thousands of martyrs were sacrificed to liberate occupied lands.

To associate resistance with extremism is disinformation for purposes of conciliating with the role Israel is playing in the Middle East. According to the government's logic, to smash a popular resistance involving a broad range of political and religious forces is worth any amount of death and destruction and is a moral cause.

Under these circumstances the armed resistance of the Lebanese people is the main block to Israel acting with complete impunity. It is the resistance to occupation which is upholding the principles of the United Nations Charter, as it did when through their own efforts the Lebanese people liberated southern Lebanon in May 2000.

If the principles of national sovereignty and the right to self-determination are to mean anything, then there has to be a power which can uphold them against aggression. The resistance to occupation in Lebanon is doing what the big powers refuse to do which is to concretely enforce the principles of the UN Charter in the interests of peace. No one should hesitate in calling a spade a spade and to stand as one with all those forces who are upholding justice and the peoples' right to be.

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Hezbollah Is a Resistance Organization, Not a Militia

Extracts from "UN Security Council Resolution 1559," MidEast Web, September 2, 2004; "What! A New Sykes/Picot Agreement? The United States Supported by France Wants to Impose This on the Arab States," MidEast Web, November 5, 2004.

Hezbollah is a resistance organization, not a militia. Hezbollah, which was the major contributor to the liberation of South Lebanon and West Bekaa (which is 10 per cent of the total area of Lebanon) over a 22-year period was and is still performing its duty with the blessing of the Lebanese Government and people. Without its sacrifices and those of other resistance parties, this part of Lebanon would have been still occupied by the Zionist enemy, if not colonized as the Palestinian West Bank.

It is without doubt a Zionist interest to concentrate on the disarmament of the resistance forces[...]The resistance forces are a necessity for the security of Lebanon against the violation of Lebanon's sovereignty, and a vital need to proceed with the final and total liberation of the country and hopefully Palestine. On this basis the Zionist entity and its ally/supporter the United States see in the Lebanese resistance a threat to their interests in the region, that is their military, political and economic interests, namely their total domination of the area.

***

[In this regard,] the United Nations Security Council passed resolution 1559 calling for non-interference in Lebanese affairs, for disarming of militias and for Syrian withdrawal from Lebanon in accordance with previous UN resolutions.

A key provision of Resolution 1559 was disarmament of militias:

3. Calls for the disbanding and disarmament of all Lebanese and non-Lebanese militias;

4. Supports the extension of the control of the Government of Lebanon over all Lebanese territory;

The resolution was adopted by a vote of 9 in favour (Angola, Benin, Chile, France, Germany, Romania, Spain, United Kingdom, United States) to none against, with 6 abstentions (Algeria, Brazil, China, Pakistan, Philippines, Russian Federation).

A Lebanese representative made the following statement, quoted in the UN Press Release.

Mohamad Issa, Secretary-General of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Emigrants of Lebanon, said that there were no militias in Lebanon. There was only the national Lebanese resistance, which appeared after the Israeli occupation and which would remain so long as Israel remained. The resistance force existed alongside the Lebanese national forces. Lebanon determined the presence and size of the force, depending on the country's need. The authority of Lebanon extended to all parts of Lebanon except those areas occupied by Israel.

He said that submitting the draft resolution confused two matters. The first was the distinguished relations linking Lebanon and Syria, which achieved their joint interests, particularly the interests of Lebanon. Friendly Syria had helped Lebanon to maintain stability and security within its borders. It had warded off radicalism and violence, fed by the violence exercised by Israel against the Palestinians. Secondly, the matter was purely internal, and related to the presidential elections to be held in Lebanon. Syrian troops came to Lebanon in accordance with legitimate requests. Their presence was guarded by an agreement concluded by two sovereign States. Those troops had been redeployed several times. They contributed to rebuffing the radical reactions emanating from repulsive Israeli actions.

Hence, saying that Syria supported radical movements in Lebanon was not true. To the contrary, Syria supported the Lebanese national resistance, which desired to liberate the territories occupied by Israel. The draft resolution was talking about supporting free and just elections in Lebanon. He did not believe that internal matter had ever been discussed in the Council relating to any Member State. It was an internal matter, he stressed. The United Nations had not interfered in that matter with regard to any other State. There was no justification for the draft resolution, which constituted an interference in the internal affairs of a Member State.

In addition, it discussed bilateral relations between two friendly nations, neither of which had filed any complaint concerning those relations. He called for the withdrawal of the draft resolution.

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U.S. Congress Passes Resolutions
Supporting Israeli Aggression

The U.S. Senate and House of Representatives both passed similar resolutions this week, expressing their full support for Israeli aggression against Lebanon and Palestine. Both measures passed on voice votes. Both turn reality completely on its head, calling Israeli aggression "self-defense." The resolutions also say Israel which dropped more than 20 tons of bombs on civilians in a single day, show "great restraint" and that it is the Lebanese who are indiscriminately targeting civilians.

The resolutions begin in a similar fashion. From the Senate: "Condemning Hizbollah and Hamas and their state sponsors and supporting Israel's exercise of its right to self-defense." (Senate Resolution 534)

The House resolution states, "Condemning the recent attacks against the State of Israel, holding terrorists and their state-sponsors accountable for such attacks, supporting Israel's right to defend itself, and for other purposes." Both also say Israel has showed "great restraint." Both were passed following the week-long and continuing U.S-backed Israeli bombings now destroying Lebanon, with civilian infrastructure, including schools, bridges and power plants main targets, as well as refugees forced to flee on foot.

The Senate specifically:

"1) reaffirms its steadfast support for the State of Israel

2) supports Israel's right of self-defense and Israel's right to take appropriate action to deter aggression by terrorist groups and their state sponsors

3) urges the President to continue fully supporting Israel as Israel exercises its right of self-defense in Lebanon and Gaza;

4) calls for the immediate and unconditional release of Israeli soldiers who are being held captive by Hizbollah or Hamas." The resolution urges Bush to "use all available political and diplomatic means, including sanctions, to persuade the governments of Syria and Iran to end their support of Hizbollah and Hamas.

The House followed suit, also calling for "steadfast support" for Israel. It condemned Hamas and Hizbollah for "continuing to indiscriminately target Israeli civilian populations with their rockets and missiles." It said that the House "recognizes Israel's longstanding commitment to minimizing civilian loss and welcomes Israel's continued efforts to prevent civilian casualties." It also said that "all governments that have provided continued support to Hamas or Hizbollah share responsibility for the hostage-taking and attacks against Israel and, as such, should be held accountable for their actions." The resolution also urges Bush to "bring the full force of political, diplomatic and economic sanctions available" against Syria and Iran.

Both resolutions are completely silent on the more than 9,000 Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails, many of them women and children. In defending Israel's actions, including the "conduct of operations both in Israel and in the territory of nations which pose a threat to it," they are also defending the massive bombings of civilians and the stated goal of Israel to bomb Lebanon and Gaza back to dark ages. The Israeli ambassador to the UN demanded at a recent pro-Israel rally in New York City, that the UN permit Israel to "finish the job!" of leveling Lebanon and Palestine and eliminating Hamas and Hizbollah. He added, "To those countries who claim we are using disproportionate force, I have only this to say: you're damn right we are!"

The Congress is responsible for ensuring that Israel receives about $3 billion in U.S. funding yearly, which is about 1/5 of total foreign aid. It has the second-largest fleet of F-16 bombers in the world, second only to its sponsor, the United States. Israel is about the size of New Jersey and has about one one-thousandth of the world's population.

(Voice of Revlution, August 1, 2006)

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The Logic of Israel's War on Civilians

A Sky News newscaster, interviewing British Foreign Secretary Margaret Beckett on Sunday, July 30 demanded an answer to this paraphrased question: if indeed Israel had precise intelligence that a Hezbollah operative was present in the village of Qana, in South Lebanon, how could it possibly fail to realise that the area was also crowded with civilians?

The question was prompted by Beckett's insistence that while Israeli attacks that victimise uncountable civilians -- like that in Qana which killed scores, mostly children -- were "appalling," they resulted from tactical errors, and were never deliberate. In fact, she referred to the "apparent deliberate targeting" -- as described by UN Secretary General Kofi Annan -- of the UN peacekeepers compound in South Lebanon and the killing of four unarmed observers, as a "mistake."

In effect, Israel is hardly accused -- at least in the Western narrative of the Middle East crisis, as exemplified in media coverage and political discourse -- of deliberately targeting civilians, even among those who are daring enough to describe Israel's response to Hezbollah's "provocation" -- the capturing of two Israeli soldiers on July 12 -- as "disproportionate."

Israel often acknowledges -- with "regret" -- the high civilian toll of its war; sometimes it goes as far as apologizing for such unintended "mistakes." The Israeli government however is adamant that it will continue to carry out such attacks; that it's those who "hide among the civilian population" which deserve the blame, not Israel; that neither Hezbollah nor Palestinian resistance groups seem to care much for the life of Israeli civilians, while Israel does care for Palestinian and Lebanese civilians. In fact, and ironically, according to various Israeli politicians and media pundits, one of Israel's objectives is to liberate its neighbours from the suffocating grip of terrorists.

An objective journalist is expected to highlight both narratives, without pointing out the fallacies of one or the other. Such "objectivity" has served Israel well, since facts on the ground are hardly consistent with its claims.

For example, out of nearly 4,000 Palestinians killed during the Second Palestinian Uprising -- in the last 5 years -- the overwhelming majority have been civilians, many of whom are children. Such figures are also mirrored in much of the damage inflicted by Israel's military machine against Palestinians in the Occupied Territories: the great majority of the wounded, the destroyed infrastructure, the confiscated land, the razed orchards, the bulldozed homes, etc, have been overwhelmingly civilian. Wednesday, July 26, was hardly a diversion from that norm, as 29 Palestinian civilians, many of whom were children as young as a few months old, were killed in northern Gaza, all in the span of 24 hours.

As of today, including the Qana onslaught, the number of Lebanese civilians confirmed dead has crossed the 750 mark; more than one third of them are children, according to UN counts. Likewise, the destroyed Lebanese infrastructure, not only in Hezbollah's strongholds in the south, but across Lebanon were built primarily for the benefit of the civilian population. The handy excuse that Hezbollah and Hamas fighters launch their rockets at Israel from civilian areas, no longer suffices. There is yet to be one shred of evidence, one video or bit of satellite footage -- at least in the ongoing war in Lebanon -- that confirms such an allegation. In fact, it seems imprudent for Hezbollah's fighters to expose their operations to Israel's informers, while they can safely fire from the numerous orchards dotting the south region.

Concurrently, the "unintended mistakes" theory, promulgated by Israel's apologists -- read the Bush Administration, among others -- is utterly inconsistent with claims promoted by Israel and its apologists that Israel is the "most moral army in the world," and that Israel uses the most advanced war technology to avoid harming civilians.

These allegations cannot all be accurate, all at once. If Israel is indeed very "moral," then why does its army continue to repeat the same "unintended mistakes," over and over again, for decades? Is it possible that the killing and wounding of tens of thousands of Palestinian and Lebanese civilians as a result of those "unintended mistakes" didn't induce a very moral army to reexamine its tactics and adopt a decisive change in military policy? Wouldn't that be the "moral" thing to do? (Note that the small village of Qana was bombed by the Israeli air force in 1996, as civilians were seeking shelter in a UN compound, killing over 100 people.)

The second claim, that Israel strives to obtain high-tech (American) weapon technology to minimise civilian casualties, is also fraudulent. Once again, the numbers indicate the precise antithesis; denoting that either the "fifth strongest army in the world" is so horribly inept, that most of its military strikes result in blunders, or that the killing of civilians is in reality part and parcel of Israel's military strategy. This latter assertion, in my opinion, is the true objective; but why?

Israeli officials may parrot to the media that Hezbollah (like Hamas) is an outsider force that holds no legal legitimacy, and that its true strength arises from its terrorist links to Iran and Syria. Conversely, Israeli conduct on the ground gives evidence to a different conviction: punishing the true party -- ordinary Lebanese -- that provide Hezbollah with the needed support to sustain such costly military confrontations with Israel, or ordinary Palestinians who elected Hamas to power.

Both Hezbollah and Hamas are homegrown; there should be little contention over this. But they cannot be scrutinised divorced from their immediate surroundings: Hezbollah emerged as a result of Israel's frequent bloodbaths in Lebanon and its members are comprised primarily of victims of Israel's past wars, while Hamas sprung from Palestinian refugee camps in the Occupied Territories and has been sustained with the support of the poorest segments of the population. Whatever strategic alliance they hold outside -- Iran, Syria or whomever else that is willing to acknowledge their right to fight Israel -- is out of a desperate need for a safe haven, financial assistance and a political platform.

Israel knows well that "destroying" Hezbollah and Hamas is a losing battle -- they've tried this time and again, and have failed with each attempt.

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Human Shields: Shielding the Truth

During Israel's 2006 onslaught and invasion of Lebanon, Israeli spokespeople and British media figures have increasingly blamed the high number of Lebanese civilian casualties on Hezbollah using them as "human shields." The group has stringently denied this.

Israeli commentator Amos Oz, in a 20 July opinion piece in the Evening Standard, used the term "human sandbags." His claim was run in a front-page news story in the paper, with the huge headline 'The Human Sandbags.' He was the only source in the article, and there was no attempt to ask human rights groups, journalists or Lebanese officials to verify whether this very serious allegation is true.

A day later, I was interviewed on radio with former Mossad chief Ephraim Halevy, who repeated this claim, as did regular columnist Frederick Forsyth in the 28 July edition of the Daily Express, and Leo McKinstry in the Sun on 31 July.

Israel and its sympathisers have been using this excuse for the killing of Lebanese civilians even more since the bombing on 30 July of a four-story residential building in Qana, killing dozens, mainly women and children.

However, reporters at the scene said they had seen no Hezbollah fighters or action at the time, none of the bodies recovered have been militants, rescue workers have found no weapons in the building that was struck, and Human Rights Watch said that "Israel has not presented any evidence to show that Hezbollah was present in or around the building that was struck at the time of the attack." This scenario has been repeated many times during Israel's attacks.

HRW says responsibility for the "appalling" Qana attack "rests squarely with the Israeli military," calling it "the latest product of an indiscriminate bombing campaign that the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) have waged in Lebanon." Executive Director Kenneth Roth says the attack "suggests that the Israeli military is treating southern Lebanon as a free-fire zone."[1]

"The concept of 'free-fire' zones is incompatible with international humanitarian law," says Irene Khan, Amnesty International's secretary general. "The attack in Qana is symptomatic of the way in which this conflict has been fought to date and indicates either that Israel is failing to take necessary precautions to spare civilians or that it has intentionally launched a disproportionate attack on civilians."[2]

Furthermore, AMW has spoken to numerous sources on the ground in Lebanon, including several international human rights organisations (Amnesty, Save the Children, Oxfam, HRW and Unicef), British journalists (from the Independent, the Daily Telegraph, the Daily Mirror and the Guardian), the Lebanese ambassador in London and a professor at the American University of Beirut, and none have seen any evidence to back the claim that Hezbollah is using civilians as human shields.

HRW Emergencies Director Peter Bouckaert describes Israel's claim as "a convenient excuse...[O]ur investigations have not found evidence to support Israeli allegations that Hizbullah are intentionally endangering Lebanese civilians by systematically fighting from civilian positions...[T]ime and again villagers tell us that Hizbullah is fighting from the hills. Meanwhile, the homes hit by Israel have only civilians in them."[3]

A source at Oxfam described the allegation as "nonsense" by "the Israeli propaganda machine" to create "very dodgy journalism." Independent correspondent Robert Fisk, who lives in Lebanon and has reported from the country for more than 20 years, called it "bullshit." A reporter for the Daily Telegraph, a newspaper known for its pro-Israeli editorial policy, called it "total and utter rubbish," "completely retarded," "a whole lot of crap" and "simply not true." Another Telegraph reporter described the claim as "absolutely wrong." The Lebanese ambassador described it as "really stupid," and Professor Omar Nashabe called it "incorrect," "inadequate" and "baseless."

The sources said such allegations were nothing new. "This came up previously during the occupation of the south of Lebanon," said Nicole Choueiry, Amnesty's press officer for the Middle East and North Africa.

This is "the usual thing they say about Hezbollah," said Donatella Rivera, Amnesty's researcher on Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories. "It's a very old story. Israel has been saying that about Gaza and Palestine in general forever, so it's a broken record."

Fisk said: "There's a general lie going around that Arabs don't love their children, that they want to sacrifice them, the idea being that all Arabs are basically savages and awful people. The generic thing is to make the Arabs uncaring of their own children, and that they are basically animals. It's part of the beastialisation of Arabs, and this sounds like the same thing."

Sources poured scorn on the idea that Lebanese civilians were unfortunate collateral damage as Israel bombed areas from where Hezbollah were firing rockets.

"Israel has pinpoint accuracy," said a Telegraph reporter.

"Israel has one of the most advanced technological armies in the world, with equipment that can allow it to pinpoint the exact target or location they want," said Nashabe. "This means they're fully responsible for where their bombs land. They have the advanced technology, whereas Hezbollah doesn't. If you look statistically, the Israeli army has bombarded more civilian targets than the resistance has."

Fisk added: "How do you explain that the air force that uses pinpoint and surgical precision manages to kill so many children, young women and old people? The only way you can explain it, other than you don't fucking care, is to say 'oh well, they were being used as human shields by animals like Hezbollah.'"

Sources said the idea of the Lebanese group using civilians as human shields is absurd considering it draws most of its support from people in the areas it is based.

"A lot of these people support Hezbollah because they live in the south and it's the only group that has ever helped them," said a Telegraph reporter. "It has built schools and hospitals while no one paid any attention to them from the central government. If Hezbollah was using people as human shields, it wouldn't get their support."

Fisk said: "Most of them are with their own children. Why would they use them as human shields?"

Nashabe reiterated this sentiment: "Hezbollah are part of the population. They wouldn't hide behind their own children or family."

HRW states that even if Hezbollah were to locate military targets in populated areas, "Israel must refrain from launching any attack that may be expected to cause excessive civilian loss in comparison to the concrete and direct military advantage anticipated. That is, a violation by Hezbollah in this regard does not justify Israeli forces ignoring the civilian consequences of a planned attack. The intentional launch of an attack in an area without regard to the civilian consequences or in the knowledge that the harm to civilians would be disproportionately high compared to any definite military benefit to be achieved would be a serious violation of international humanitarian law, and a war crime.

"In any event, the presence of a Hezbollah commander or military facility in a populated area never justifies attacking the area as such rather than the particular military target. It is a prohibited indiscriminate attack, and a war crime, to treat an entire area as a military target instead of attacking the particular military facilities or personnel within that area."[4]

Amnesty reiterates this, saying that "international humanitarian law makes it clear that even if one side is shielding itself behind civilians, such an abuse does not release the Parties to the conflict from their legal obligations with respect to the civilian population and civilians."[5]

Moreover, it is truly ironic that the accuser is long known to use human shields itself, which is a war crime. "Hezbollah aren't known to use human shields, whereas the Israelis are," said an Oxfam source. "They have a history as long as my arm."

Israel has been accused numerous times by internationally respected human rights organisations of using Palestinians as shields during the current uprising against occupation, most recently by Oxfam and Israel's B'Tselem on 21 July 2006, though this was not reported by the media.[6][7]

Fisk said he personally saw Israelis use Lebanese as human shields during their 1980s invasion, "by forcing them to sit in front of their armoured vehicles as they were going into the streets. So for human shields, the experts are the Israelis."

Rivera concludes: "Ultimately, the fact is the children are being killed by Israeli bombs."

Notes

1. http://www.hrw.org/english/docs/2006/07/30/lebano13881.htm
2. http://news.amnesty.org/index/engmde020022006
3. http://www.hrw.org/english/docs/2006/07/31/isrlpa13882.htm
4. http://www.hrw.org/english/docs/2006/07/17/lebano13748.htm#10
5. http://news.amnesty.org/index/engmde020022006
6. http://www.oxfam.org.uk/press/releases/palestine210706.htm
7. http://www.btselem.org/english/Human_Shields/20060720_Human_Shiel ds_in_Beit_Hanun.asp

* Sharif Hikmat Nashashibi is the Arab Media Watch chairman.

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Israel, Hezbollah, and the Use and Abuse of Self-Defence in International Law

Many pro-Israel TV pundits are justifying Israel's relentless bombardment of Lebanon as "self-defence." For example, Jerry Lewis, senior vice-president of the Board of Deputies of British Jews, told the BBC's Dateline London programme on Sunday 23 July that Israel was acting in self-defence according to the UN Charter.

Self-defence is specifically mentioned in Article 51 of the Charter, and is effectively a derogation from the prohibition on the use of force contained in Article 2 (4). Whether or not Israel is acting in self-defence in Lebanon according to the Charter is a crucial question, as the implications of its actions could have negative ramifications beyond the Arab-Israeli conflict and spill over into other problem areas. I consider Israel's self-defence argument an abuse of terminology that is not applicable to the facts at hand and has no justification in international law.

Pretext

On 12 July 2006, a frontier dispute between the Israeli army and the armed wing of Hezbollah rapidly developed into a full-scale armed conflict, leaving hundreds of civilians (mostly Lebanese) dead. According to Israel, the casus belli was a cross-border attack by Hezbollah which led to the capture of two Israeli soldiers and the deaths of eight others. However according to Hezbollah, Israel initiated the conflict by sending its soldiers into Ayta al-Sha'b, a Lebanese village just north of the Israeli border. International reaction to the conflict has mostly condemned both Hezbollah and Israel, with many nations expressing concern over a possible escalation of the conflict. The US, UK, Germany, France and Canada have acknowledged Israel's right to defend itself. The G8 (which includes the countries already mentioned plus Italy, Russia and Japan), blame the upsurge in violence on "extremists," thus accepting the casus belli advanced by Israel and its right to defend its people whilst urging it to be mindful of the strategic and humanitarian consequences of its actions.

Response

Israel responded to Hezbollah's 'provocation' by threatening to "turn back the clock in Lebanon by twenty years," as Israel's Chief of Staff Dan Halutz put it, to the dark days of the civil war, when Israel is alleged to have killed 20,000 civilians. In a fortnight, Israeli missiles and shells caused the deaths of approximately 400 people, mostly civilians, many of them children, and displaced 700,000. The Israeli Air Force -- which according to British Middle East Minister Kim Howells has up to 600 jets flying sorties over Lebanon at any time, dropping U.S.-made "precision-guided" incendiary devices -- has caused massive infrastructural damage to Lebanon. Nothing has been spared: ports, bridges, motorways, power stations, whole neighbourhoods, mosques, churches, the airport, a lighthouse, hospitals and people fleeing in their cars.

Louise Arbour, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, expressed "grave concern over the continued killing and maiming of civilians in Lebanon, Israel and the occupied Palestinian territory," as has the International Committee of the Red Cross. She suggested that the actions of Israel and Hezbollah may constitute war crimes. Arbour called for Israel to obey the international humanitarian law "principle of proportionality," adding that "indiscriminate shelling of cities constitutes a foreseeable and unacceptable targeting of civilians. Similarly, the bombardment of sites with alleged military significance, but resulting invariably in the killing of innocent civilians, is unjustifiable."

History

In 2000, Israel withdrew from southern Lebanon, which it had occupied for 18 years, apart from an area between Syria, Lebanon and Israel called the Shebaa Farms. Israel remains an occupying power in the Farms, East Jerusalem, the West Bank, Gaza and the Syrian Golan Heights. The UN called upon Israel to withdraw from those territories in 1967 by passing resolution 242. In 1973, it reiterated its demand in a binding UN Security Council resolution that was probably passed under Chapter VII of the Charter, judging by the terminology employed in resolution 338 (during the Cold War, the Security Council refrained from distinguishing Chapter VI and VII resolutions. The former empower the Council to address disputes which in its judgment do not threaten international peace, but which, if continued, are likely to endanger international peace. The latter type of resolution permits the Council to take legally binding decisions under Article 25, directing member states to impose sanctions or use force to maintain international peace). In 2004, the Security Council passed resolution 1559, which calls on "all remaining foreign forces to withdraw from Lebanon," and for "the disbanding and disarmament of all Lebanese and non-Lebanese militias" (the full text is available at http://tinyurl.com/5mkrb). Contrary to what some reports in the media have suggested, this is not a Chapter VII resolution as is clear from the text. Less than a year later, Syria promptly withdrew its armed forces after massive American pressure forced it to in the aftermaths of the assassination of the former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq al-Hariri, which is the subject of a UN enquiry.

Israel has said it requires full implementation of resolution 1559 (which implicitly calls on Hezbollah to disarm) before it will agree to a ceasefire. However, it is a bit rich for Israel to make this a condition when the Security Council has passed 1,221 resolutions since resolution 338 in 1973, and 1,317 resolutions since resolution 242 in 1967 -- which Israel has yet to implement (and which it is required to implement by the Oslo Accords).

Context

It should not be forgotten that before the conflict between Israel and Lebanon exploded on the international scene, Israel was battling Palestinian militants in the Gaza Strip over their capture of Corporal Gilad Shalit. Making a mockery of its claims that Gaza is "no longer occupied territory," Israel sent its troops back in to rescue the soldier, killing hundreds of Palestinians in the process and increasing its bombing campaign of the Strip (home to 1.4 million Palestinians, and one of the most densely populated places on earth). Israel then kidnapped half the Palestinian cabinet, alleging they were "terrorists" because they belonged to Hamas, even though that organisation won Palestinian parliamentary elections in January which were deemed to be free and fair.

Self-defence

Like all states, Israel has the right of self-defence. This is not in dispute. The relevant provisions in Article 51 of the UN Charter provide:

"Nothing in the present Charter shall impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defense if an armed attack occurs against a Member of the United Nations, until the Security Council has taken measures necessary to maintain international peace and security."

Some argue that Israel was subject to an armed attack (if one accepts the Israeli version of events) and therefore it has the right of self-defence under the Charter. This might appear from a strictly textual analysis of Article 51, without considering the negotiating history of the Charter and the context in which it was drafted.

However, there is substantial opinion, doctrine and state practice on the issue. For instance, it is generally accepted that an "armed attack" must be of sufficient gravity taking into consideration its 'scale and effect' to trigger the applicability of Article 51. For instance, whilst the 9/11 attacks would undoubtedly be classified as an armed attack, and were defined as such by the Security Council, it is difficult to see how the capture of two soldiers in disputed circumstances would do so. Writing in the English-language Turkish daily Zaman, Richard Falk, professor of international law at Princeton University, considered that:

"...this outbreak of major two-front violence is not about Israel's right to defend itself against an enemy that is seriously threatening its territorial integrity or political independence, the only grounds for justifiable war. To treat border incidents, involving a few casualties from rockets and the abduction of a single Israeli soldier by a Gazan militia and two by Hezbollah in south Lebanon, as if it were an occasion of war is a gross distortion of well-accepted international law and state practice. To justify legally a claim of self-defense requires a full-scale armed attack across Israeli borders. If every violent border incident or terrorist provocation were to be so regarded as an act of war, the world would be aflame."[1]

Indeed, Israel has been subject to cross-border raids by Hezbollah and Palestinian militias in the past. It has not always responded with such overwhelming force, which might lead some to conclude that Israel has wider aims in the region such as eliminating Hezbollah altogether or crippling Lebanon, rather than protecting itself. Israel has gone way beyond the scope of self-defence which is subject to the international humanitarian law principles of distinction (making a difference between civilian and military targets), proportionality and military necessity. The context in which the Charter and the Geneva Conventions were drafted is important. Their aim was to ameliorate conflict, not exacerbate it. Said Mahmoudi, professor of international law at Stockholm University, writes:

"The same moral and ethical values that led us in 1945 to put a general ban on the use of force in order 'to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in our life-time has brought untold sorrows to mankind', should also guide us to resist expanded use of force. We should withstand any effort to go back to the legal situation that prevailed before the adoption of the Charter even if it is in the name of 'human dignity' and 'decency.' International terrorism and human tragedies should not become an excuse for the unwarranted use of force."[2]

Responses to Terrorism

There are many ways Israel can respond to terrorism, the use of force being only one. Had Israel responded by sending its special forces to snatch two Hezbollah guerrillas as bargaining chips, or negotiating over the release of prisoners (as it has done in the past), or even responding by police action, there would have been little criticism. Ideally, Israel should have asked the Lebanese government to take steps in its own territory to free the captured soldiers before resorting to the use of force, which should always be a measure of last resort. If the Lebanese government then failed to act, Israel would be justified in taking proportionate measures to free its soldiers.

But Israel went way beyond its right of self-defence. By threatening to "turn back the clock in Lebanon by twenty years," Israel risks being accused of committing an act of aggression, with all that entails - such as being accused of war crimes and crimes against humanity, which involves individual criminal responsibility. Worse still, Israel's over-reaction could give its enemies an excuse for all-out war by using Lebanon as a battlefield, which if not contained quickly could engulf the entire region.

Notes

1. http://www.zaman.com/?bl=commentary&alt=&trh=20060721&hn=34951
2. Said Mahmoudi, "Self-Defence and International Terrorism" 48 Scandinavian Studies in Law (2005), p. 212.

* Victor Kattan is the director of Arab Media Watch and visiting fellow at a leading British institute of international law.

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